The Federal Oral Court 8, made up of judges María Gabriela López Iñíguez, Daniel Obligado and Juan Michilini, determined that there was no crime in the case of the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran and dismissed this Thursday to the former president and current vice president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, and the rest of those involved.
National Judiciary
City of Buenos Aires, October 7, 2021
To resolve in the present proceeding no. 129 (14305/2015), followed by Cristina Fernández et al., pending before this Federal Criminal Oral Court no. 8, regarding the annulments filed by Dr. Larrandart, the drs. Beraldi and Ary Rubén Llernovoy and the exceptions for lack of action pending resolution.
Then, the statements that gave rise to the formation of the nullity incident no. 24.
1) On April 6, 2021, Dr. Alejandro Rúa submitted a brief in order to intervene in the file as Héctor Timerman's lawyer, despite the fact that the extinction of the criminal action due to the death of whoever was assisted.
There it states that, while incident 14305/2015/4 (annulment by ne bis idem due to the existence of two proceedings on the same fact) was being processed before Chamber IV of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, on November 2, Judges Hornos and Borinsky had been recused in 2016 and their removal had been requested. On November 4, 2016, this challenge was rejected by the judges Hornos and Borinsky themselves, who also, on December 15, 2016, had rejected the appeal without any substantiation.
In that document, he refers to the fact that, in parallel, in case 777/2015, regarding the intervention that those same judges Hornos and Borinsky had, integrating on that occasion Chamber I of the Chamber
Federal Criminal Cassation, on November 4, 2016, they were also challenged. That second challenge was also rejected by the same judges, on November 14, 2016. On December 2, 2016, judges Hornos and Borinsky rejected the appeal considering the challenge "insubstantial and manifestly dilatory."
The brief continues to reveal that on December 29, 2016, a few days before the subrogation they temporarily exercised in Chamber I ended, both judges decided to open the investigation.
Dr. Rúa refers in his presentation that from the journalistic notes published in the media outlet "El Destape" between the months of February and April 2021, it became public that by then, judges Hornos and Borinsky had maintained a dozen meetings with President Mauricio Macri, in the Government House and in the Presidential Residence in Olivos and that these meetings had been kept hidden from society as a whole and out of the knowledge of the parties to the processes in which those judges intervened. To this, Dr. Rúa adds that, at that time, the "Macrista persecution" aimed at opening an investigation into the facts denounced by the then Prosecutor Nisman, which had already been dismissed and which have been proven in the process, was public and notorious. of this process, the meetings that those who would present themselves as complainants would have also maintained with President Macri (according to the documentation provided by the
November 10, 2016 by the president of the DAIA about the board meetings of that entity).
Based on the foregoing, the aforementioned attorney states that "the opportune knowledge of the occurrence of those meetings that the participants were interested in keeping hidden would have been useful to reinforce those challenges
(...) and to refute the argumentation then rehearsed by judges Borinsky and Hornos regarding the fact that "it was not possible to admit that the defense could doubt its impartiality." This presentation was transferred to the parties.
2) That Dr. Larrandart -Andrés Larroque's defense attorney- requested in writing on April 11 that the nullity of all the proceedings from the resolution issued on December 29 be declared of 2016 that ordered to revoke the dismissal of the complaint at the same time that he filed a complaint against the Judges of the Chamber of Cassation, Drs. Gustavo Hornos and Mariano Borinsky in order to investigate the alleged commission of the crimes of malfeasance (art.
269 of the CP) and/or violation of duties (art. 248 of the CP) and/or illegal association (art. 210 of the CP).
On that occasion, it stated that the reasons for which it considered the intervention of the aforementioned judges null and void, and in particular the decision indicated, were linked to: a) the rejection of the recusal formulated with respect to the aforementioned judges in the framework of the case 777 in the resolution of November 14, 2016; b) the reopening of the complaint despite the fact that the case was already filed and that the appeal was filed by those who were not parties at that time, c) the lack of impetus to continue with the investigation due to the withdrawal of Attorney General Javier De Luca due to the non-existence of a crime, d) the irregular obtaining of one of the evidence evaluated in the decision in crisis to proceed with the reopening,
e) the existence of two cases with the same procedural object; f) the absence of crime, regardless of the constitutionality of the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran.
3) Also, on May 4, Drs. Carlos Alberto Beraldi and Ary Rubén Llernovoy in their capacity as defense attorneys for Cristina Fernández
of Kirchner, requested the annulment of: a) the decision issued on December 29, 2016 in the framework of case No. 777/2015 -later accumulated to these proceedings- through which Chamber I of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation annulled the dismissal of the complaint that gave rise to the process, removed all the judges who had validated such decision and ordered the referral of the case to a new magistrate for its continuation; b) all the proceedings in the framework of file No. 14,305/2015 (and its accumulated No. 14,383/2015) from its inception, until May 30, 2017, date on which the unified processing of both cases was ordered (art. 172 of the CPPN); c) Everything that has been done as of May 30, 2017 within the framework of the process that will be unified under No. 14,305/2015. In that order of ideas, they requested that the order of summons to trial be annulled and that the dismissal of all the persons accused in this process be ordered.
The reasons that motivated this party to require the strikedown of all of the above are extensively developed in his writing, to which in honor of brevity it is worth referring.
4) In their turn, the rest of the defenses were adhering to the statements made by Andrés Larroque's defender and by Drs. Beraldi and LLernovoy, but some introduced other issues to be dealt with that are detailed below.
5) Dr. Barcesat submitted a brief adhering to the mentioned formulations at which time he reiterated his right to reconsider “the nullity of the present case, for a non-existent and impossible crime, in the first opening session of the debate in the oral and public trial, with the understanding that the existence and survival of this case was an offense against the provisions of arts. 18, 19, 36, 75, inc.
22 and 116 of the C.N., and corresponding provisions of the International Human Rights Treaties”.
Then, when the hearings were already set, the lawyer presented another letter insisting that he be included as an exhibitor to be able to orally express his motion for annulment based on the impossibility of the existence of a crime and that the restrictions that weigh on Dr. .abona.
6) For his part, Dr. Ibarra filed a brief entitled "Requests annulment of the proceeding, suspension of the debate and dismissal of Oscar Isidoro José Parrilli and other defendants - non-existence of crime." There, Dr. Ibarra required: a) to declare the nullity of all proceedings under the terms of arts. 166, 168 and following of the National Code of Criminal Procedure, and b) that the exception of lack of action be resolved under the terms of art.
339 inc. 2nd of the National Criminal Procedure Code.
7) Dr. Aldazabal also made a statement by which he filed an objection of lack of action for the manifest inexistence of a crime and requested that the dismissal of his client, Juan Martin Mena, be declared. Secondarily, he requested the annulment of all proceedings, required that the presentations made by the parties be resolved urgently and reserved the federal case.
8) The prosecutor jointly answered the statements of Dr. Larrandart and Dr. Beraldi. Regarding this last presentation, he supported the request that it be resolved in an oral hearing and offered evidence, similar to that already proposed.
9) The complaints, for their part, requested in writing the rejection of the annulments raised and decided not to attend the scheduled hearings (with the exception of the one on September 1 in which they took the floor Dr. Farini Duggan).
On June 18, the evidence offered by Dr. Beraldi and by the Public Prosecutor's Office was accepted and then the hearings were set to take place on July 16, 4, 11, 18 , August 25 and September 1, 2021 in which the speeches of all parties could be heard and seen -through the Zoom platform-, except for the complaints that did not appear.
The evidence gathered for the resolution of the petitions is detailed below.
1) The incident and/or all the actions corresponding to the procedure that led to the resolution of Chamber IV of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, of November 4, 2016 (Reg 1427/16) in case no. 14,305/2015 (prior to its accumulation with case no. 777/2015) through which the inhibition raised by Héctor Tímerman's defense regarding Chamber IV and the magistrates that comprise it was rejected in limine. Also those actions corresponding to extraordinary resources and complaints that were filed as a result of those resolutions;
2) The incident and/or all the actions corresponding to the procedure that led to the resolution of Chamber IV of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation, of November 8, 2016 (Reg 1431/16.4) in case no. 14,305/2015 (prior to its accumulation with case no. 777/2015) by means of which the appeal filed by the defense of Héctor Timerman against the resolution of October 6, 2016 of Chamber II of the Chamber was declared inadmissible National Court of Appeals in Federal Criminal and Correctional Matters, which resolved to confirm the rejection of the exception of lack of action adopted by Dr. Bonadío. This, as well as those
corresponding to extraordinary resources and complaints that have been filed or not;
3) The incident and/or all the actions corresponding to the procedure that led to the resolutions of Chamber I of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation of November 14, 2016 and
December 29, 2016 (in case no. 777/2015, prior to its accumulation in file no. 14,305/2015) in which: the challenges made against the questioned magistrates were rejected in limine (first resolution) and they annulled the dismissal of the complaint that gave rise to the case, separated Dr. Rafecas and Chamber II of the CCCF from the process and ordered their referral to a new magistrate to continue investigating (second resolution). This, as well as those corresponding to extraordinary resources and complaints that have been filed or not (evidence requested by the Prosecutor).
4) Digital copies of the incidents corresponding to the appointment and integration of the Chamber of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation that intervened in the framework of the case “3184/2013 “Amia s/amparo – Law 16,986”.
5) Certified copy of Plenary Resolution no. 65/2006, of May 18, 2006.
6) Excusations sustained by current and former members of Chamber II of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation in file no. 13,767 "Ribelli Juan José s/appeal" related to the AMIA case and other related actions.
7) Certified copies of the writs of merit that were reached in cases no. 5056/2020 and 14.149/2020 that were initially processed before Federal Court no. 2 of Lomas de Zamora.
8) Certification that accounts for the kidnapping in the possession of Dario Nieto of a cell phone containing a
file that reads “Talk to Borinsky. Topic complaint, administrative and criminal ".
9) The records of cause no. 8991/2019 "Macri Mauricio and others s/illicit association", pending before Federal Court No. 5 of the CABA
10) Testimonial statement by Judge of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation, Dr. Ana Figueroa;
11) The records of all the visits received by the former President of the Nation Mauricio Macri in the Casa Rosada and in the Olivos residence, between December 10, 2015 and December 10, 2019, sent by the head of the cabinet of ministers.
12) Certified copy of the resolution adopted by Chamber IV on October 30, 2013, Record no. 2116.13.4 in the framework of case 1000/2013 "Fleing, Victoria s/inhibición", by means of which the inhibition of Dr. Mariano Borinsky would have been granted, for reasons of decorum and delicacy, given the relationship that The magistrate saves with respect to the defendant's private defender, Dr. Ramiro Rubinska.
13) Files forwarded by the Judicial Council regarding complaints against judges Gustavo Hornos and Mariano Borinsky as a result of the visits made by those appointed to the Quinta de Olivos and Government House.
14) Records sent by the National Military House related to the admissions and discharges of judges Gustavo Hornos and Mariano Borinsky during the years 2015 and 2016.
15) Records sent by the Head of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Nation regarding judges Gustavo Hornos and Mariano Borinsky to the Government House during the years 2015 and 2016.
16) The requirement to the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Nation to provide a copy of all the reports delivered to the NGO Poder Ciudadano, linked to a request for access to public information on the record of visits that the former president of the nation would have received in the Government House and Quinta de Olivos, from 2016 onwards.
First of all, Dr. Beraldi b> who referred to the presentations duly made and gave the floor to Cristina Fernández b>, current vice president of the Nation, who began her address by referring to this case as judicial, institutional nonsense and political.
He recalled that the attack on the AMIA headquarters had occurred 27 years ago and asked himself, rhetorically, what were the institutional responsibilities of some of those accused here at that time. He recalled that she was a legislator for the province of Santa Cruz at that time. It then concluded on this point that the cover-up hypothesis should be ruled out outright if it was taken into consideration that none of the defendants had a relationship with each other at the time the attack took place, nor interests or connections with the material authors or with the ideological authors, or with whom perhaps having had institutional responsibilities in matters of security and intelligence to prevent such an attack at that time, they later tried to erase it.
Next, she explained that in 1996 she had been appointed to her role as Senator and as such, had formed part of the Bicameral Commission whose objective was to follow up on the investigation of the attacks on the Israeli Embassy and AMIA because
There was a lot of disagreement with the judicial processes. In this way, he explained how the commission was composed and what its role was. Likewise, he specified that in 2001 a report was published that gave an account of his critical position in relation to the course of the investigation that the then Judge Galeano was developing at that time.
Thus, she explained that she had testified in two oral trials related to the attack as a witness, in her capacity as a member of the aforementioned commission, during the years 2003 and 2015, for which reason it was illogical for her to find herself now charged as an accessory after the fact of those facts.
Next, he succinctly explained what happened with the investigation carried out by Oral Court No. 3 that culminated in the declaration of nullity of all proceedings and the prosecution of Dr. Galeano, and affirmed that from the beginning this case was used by the domestic and international politics.
After that, he carried out a contextual analysis related to the resurgence of those present and highlighted four points.
First of all, he said that since the inauguration of the government of Mauricio Macri on December 10, 2015, events of unusual institutional gravity had occurred with the aim of taking control of the Judiciary by the Executive Branch, to use it as an instrument to persecute their political opponents. By way of example, he stated that two judges of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation were appointed by Decree of Necessity and Urgency.
Secondly, he stated that former Prosecutor Alejandra Gils Carbó had been publicly persecuted, who in his opinion had had an irreproachable conduct, with practices that he described as “quasi-mafia”.
Thirdly, he explained the way in which the new holders of the
Anti-Corruption Office and the Financial Information Unit, and questioned not only their legitimacy but also their actions in relation to the Kirchner family.
Fourth point, he highlighted the emergence of the "Irurzun Doctrine" in the sphere of the judiciary, according to which anyone who had been an official of the previous government had residual power that made them dangerous and could make them uncomfortable investigation, so it had to be stopped preventively.
On the other hand, he explained how the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding with the Islamic Republic of Iran had arisen, and recalled that his objective had been to ensure that those accused of having been ideological authors of the attack could be investigated by a judge to continue with the possibility of prosecution and subsequent trial. Thus, he continued his speech explaining that initially the complaint by former Prosecutor Nisman had been dismissed by Judge Rafecas and later that criterion was confirmed by the reviewing body, but that twin cases had subsequently been denounced in order to achieve the reopening of those acted In this way, he specified that despite the fact that Drs. Hornos and Borinsky used to excuse themselves for reasons of delicacy and decorum in cases related to the AMIA, this case had not followed that fate, achieving the reopening of the investigation on November 29, 2016. In this sense, he highlighted that on December 30, 2016, former President Macri had congratulated the appointed judges for the resurrection of the case and criticized the third chambermaid for saying that they could not intervene in the investigation.
Sitting this down, he referred to the visits that arise from the new evidence of Judges Hornos and Borinsky to the Casa Rosada and the Quinta de Olivos, reviewing the different dates. Later, he questioned the intervention of the Private Secretary of Mauricio Macri, Darío Nieto,
Regarding the person who explained that he had reported the income to Casa Rosada and Olivos, but that information was adulterated because Judges Hornos and Borinsky did not appear on those lists. He also stressed that the records of those meetings were on his cell phone. In this regard, it stated that even supposing that during these meetings those officials did not speak about the "Memorandum" case, there was a well-founded fear regarding the impartiality of the judges.
On the other hand, he referred to the publication made on the portal "El Cohete a la Luna" and explained that it had been reported there that Judge Borinsky had advised the DAIA to obtain the reopening of those present, which reinforced the aforementioned fear of partiality.
Finally, she indicated that after looking back, during the years in which she was President, especially in 2014 and 2015, the conflict had developed with the "Vulture Funds", which wanted to collect an amount greater than the agreed in the Argentine debt restructuring agreement in 2005 and 2010. In this sense, he specified that, around this request, a kind of declaration of war had been generated in which the aforementioned funds campaigned around the planet through of the different newspapers, using the cause of the "Memorandum" and the attack on the AMIA, in order to double the hand of the Government and achieve, in this way, collect a greater capital.
Thus, he explained that, in the face of his government's refusal, the battle speech, at that time, was based on the conflict over the Memorandum, the cause of the "Future Dollar" and the idea that if it were paid to The “Vulture Funds” would reach the Argentine Republic in a time of economic prosperity with a lot of investment.
He went on to explain that, after the government of Mauricio Macri took office and the vulture funds were paid, these new investment funds that
they were going to generate work, joy and happiness, they never arrived and, then, the “financial scam” did arrive, the cause of the “Memorandum”, the “Dollar Futuro” and “Vialidad”, which ended with an indebtedness that passed from 37.4% of GDP in the last stretch of his government, to 72.6% at the end of 2019.
Conclusively, she stated that she had already been president of the Argentine Republic twice and that her only wish was to leave a better country than the one Néstor Kirchner had received in 2003.
In this sense, he explained that opinion should not be governed solely by what emerged from the newspapers or television, but that there should be an own thought to be able to analyze more deeply what was happening. Thus, he requested that after the times of tragedy that Argentines experienced as a result of the pandemic, it was necessary to become aware of the difficulties of recent years so that the path could be found, especially those people who had the historical responsibility to do so, to that people could live better.
Next, the Dr. Larrandart who, in the first place, explained that this case had had two periods with totally contradictory pronouncements. In this way, he explained that the first period corresponded to the complaint by former Prosecutor Nisman, which had culminated in the filing of the proceedings for the non-existence of a crime, a resolution confirmed by the Federal Chamber; and a second stage that had begun with the change of government and the "false complaint."
Next, it indicated that this second stage had begun with the presentation of the DAIA requesting the reopening of the file, which until then had not been constituted as a complaining party. Thus, he explained that the Chamber of Cassation should not have opened the appeal without
intervention and with the sole request of a claimant complainant, resulting in a null action.
Likewise, it specified that by plenary no. . He then explained that Judges Hornos and Borinsky had rejected his excuse in limine in November 2016 without prejudice not only to the opinion of Dr. Figueroa but also to his own excuses from 2012 in cases related to the AMIA attack, and the
December 29 of that same year, they resolved to reopen the case, days before the end of their surrogacy.
In this sense, it indicated that what is of interest here was the influence of the Executive Power in the Judicial Power, which explained the errors of the present process. In this way, he referred to the statements of Dr. Figueroa in the vote of the aforementioned resolution and what was used by Prosecutor De Luca at the time of offering his opinion.
To conclude, he explained that people not only did not trust justice, but also mistrusted it, and that this was due to the actions of a small group of judges and prosecutors who had contributed to its deterioration.
Next, the Dr. Peñafort, who specified that from the beginning of the proceedings together with Drs. Rúa and Larrandart, had been the first three lawyers in the case and had made all the proposals for annulment, non-existence of a crime and ne bis in idem, which were being dealt with in these hearings, and stressed that throughout the entire process they did not they had been heard.
Notwithstanding this, he thanked the actions of Drs. Daniel Rafecas, Eduardo Freiler, Luis Ballesteros, Javier de Luca and Ana María Figueroa, for their different resolutions.
After that, he read some passages of the investigative statement of Mr. Héctor Timerman and requested that, once the proposed annulments were resolved, his name be cleared for having died defamed by these proceedings.
Fourthly, Mr. Larroque, who explained that in his opinion he was charged in this case for two reasons: one linked to penalizing a country model aligned with social justice, and another because of his role as general secretary of an organization that symbolizes the militancy and passion for politics. In this regard, he stated that he claimed the militancy of all his colleagues who accompanied Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and who had accompanied Néstor Kirchner.
Then, Dr. Aldazabal who ratified and referred to the presentations made on May 6 and 19, and
July 13 of the present incident, and the one dated May 12 of the main file.
Last shift, Mr. Mena b> who first highlighted that after five and a half years in this process, this hearing was the first real act of defense that he had had.
After that, he referred to the beginning of this case in the hands of former Prosecutor Nisman, his time in the Court of Dr. Rafecas and the proceedings in the different Chambers. Subsequently, he indicated that the resurgence of these proceedings had been based on an illegally obtained audio of a conversation between former Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman and former AMIA President Guillermo Borger, and questioned its obtaining.
Subsequently, he stated that the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding with the Islamic Republic of Iran had as its sole objective so that the defendants could be investigated by an Argentine Judge for the first time in 19 years. In this way, he specified that the fact of signing and approving it was exempt from
judicial activity, and was part of the obligations that he and his consorts had as public officials.
In the same sense, he explained that only the judge who had ordered INTERPOL to notify the red alerts was empowered to stop them, a circumstance that never occurred.
In another order of ideas, he indicated that another fact that he was accused of was the creation of the Truth Commission stipulated in the Memorandum and, he explained that by virtue of the fact that it had not entered into force, said Commission had never been established. conformed.
Next, he said that he was being questioned about having traveled to INTERPOL's headquarters and maintained that the only thing he had achieved during that visit was to uphold the red alerts and make clear the position of the Argentine Republic.
Finally, I request that the defense statements be resolved as a constitutional exercise of the right of defense.
On this day, first of all, Dr. Fragueiro Frias, who began his presentation by referring to the legality of the hearing held to deal with the annulments that were presented in these proceedings. In this sense, he stated that it was valid and legal, while notwithstanding that it was not regulated in the National Criminal Procedure Code, article 118 of the National Constitution was inserted in the accusatory prosecution system, where orality governed. In this sense, he specified that, in the Federal Criminal Procedure Code, which in his opinion had been irregularly and unconstitutionally suspended by a Decree of Necessity and Urgency, the accusatory system was directly validated, whose characteristics are equality between the parties, orality , publicity, contradiction,
concentration, and says that all hearings must be public. Added to this, he said that there were large audiences that were not provided for in the "Old Mixed Code" but that, nevertheless, were absolutely legitimate and were not questioned. By way of example, it indicated that the CSJN had ordered different oral hearings and that Agreed No. 1/2012 of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber provided for an evidence hearing. Therefore, it concluded that the holding of the hearing in question was absolutely legal and it would be unacceptable to classify it as irregular.
As a second point, it maintained all the motions for annulment to which it opportunely adhered, such as those presented by Dr. Larrandart, Beraldi and Llernovoy, and stated that this did not imply the waiver of the rest of the nullifying motions.
Thus, he specified that the facts that are imputed in these proceedings are atypical and that there was no illegality and this was clear by virtue of the new evidence obtained, linked to the meetings between Drs. Hornos, Borinsky and the Former President, Mauricio Macri, which emerged from the records received. He then indicated that both judges had excused themselves to intervene in the present case and that later, by means of a "fraudulent" resolution in which the proceedings were reopened, they had contaminated the procedure.
Added to this, he mentioned that the cell phone of the collaborator of the person who exercised the executive power had registered that Borinsky -in addition to playing some sport, such as tennis, paddle tennis, etc.- actually also talked about legal issues.
After that, he shared two minutes of the DAIA prior to the reopening of those present, and indicated that in the last paragraph of no. Nisman and the one
had been opened against that of Mr. Héctor Timerman located in Federal Court No. 11. There, a meeting with Mauricio Macri was also announced. In this way, he specified that it was clear that members of this institution had spoken about judicial issues related to the case called "Memorandum", which until that moment had been completed and had passed on the authority of res judicata.
In this sense, it concluded that this constituted direct proof and not indicative that the complainant, who until then was not, was speaking with the former President, Mauricio Macri, about a case that was formally finished and that later, the former President spoke with the judges Drs. Hornos and Borinsky, who had previously excused themselves to intervene, of its reopening.
Thus, he explained that all the connected evidence was conclusive enough to prove a violation of constitutional norms. In the first place, he made reference to the fact that in this case Dr. Rafecas, a natural judge, had resolved the dismissal due to the non-existence of a crime, a resolution later confirmed by the appeal. In this way, he cited the precedent registered under number 2029 of 2011, and stated that there the intervening magistrates explained that the non-existence of a crime made material res judicata and that a file was not susceptible to being reopened. To continue, it stated that, in those cases, attempting to investigate the same facts again constituted a violation of ne bis in idem or double criminal prosecution, and explained that this was the case in this case. He stressed that, when a case was dismissed for non-existence of a crime, that investigation was completed in three aspects: person, object and cause, which, once firm, constituted material res judicata that could not be reopened.
Notwithstanding, however, he explained that the case had been reopened, despite the proposals of the different parties, by the two judges who had already excused themselves, Drs. Hornos and Borinsky, who were fulfilling a mandate from the former president, and due to the request made by the DAIA, which "had no power." To this end, it explained that the latter institution had reached the Court of Cassation without having legally constituted itself as a complainant and that this was an indicator of how the procedure for its reopening had been forced. To this end, it cited the precedent of the First Chamber of the Chamber of Cassation, registry no. 1150/2017.
On the other hand, he explained that after that and, throughout the investigation, arbitrary decisions were glimpsed that seemed to belong to other causes -modifications of the legal classification, preventive prisons, rejections of releases, etc.- and that, upon receiving the last proof, they were able to understand that the reason lay in "validating the plan, validating the maneuver."
In another order of ideas, he said that in art. 168 of the Old Mixed Code, it was stipulated that when constitutional norms are violated, at any stage of the trial, they must be decreed, and that here an interference of the Executive Power in the Judicial Power is present and, in addition, a violation of the ne bis in idem , which not only arises implicitly from the National Constitution but also from international treaties with constitutional roots. He explained that all this happened and was derived from something that was contaminated and, therefore, the annulment of all the proceedings was considered.
Lastly, he explained that it emerged from the "Mattei" ruling that the judges should avoid any situation of uncertainty of the people who were in the processes with their freedom
restricted, and that art. 361 of the CPPN provides non-exhaustive grounds for dismissal.
For all these reasons, in short, it understood that the Court must uphold the annulment of the entire proceeding for the violation of the principle of Ne Bis In Idem and the guarantee of the Natural Judge, it requested the dismissal of all the accused .
Next, Carlos Alberto Zannini made his presentation, in which he referred to the general context of this case. In the first place, he highlighted that the lack of clarification of the attacks on the AMIA embassy, together with the existence of 30,000 disappeared persons, constituted a wall of impunity that prevented the improvement of the institutional culture of the Argentine Republic. In this way, he indicated that through politics and the governments that he had integrated, he had tried to tear down that wall, getting personally involved. In this context, it stated that the present case was a script issued from outside the Judiciary, but carried out by legal actors obedient to a political mandate. In this way, he denied having participated in a criminal plan whose purpose was to cover up, prevent or hinder, abuse his authority or fail to comply with his duties as a public official in order to "moderate" red alerts, normalize international relations, trade grains, obtain oil or sell spare parts to nuclear power plants. It indicated that not only did none of these events occur, but also that the rule(s) allegedly breached or violated by those who were officials was never precisely mentioned.
On the other hand, he specified that, after two years of the death of a previous case, the resurrection of those present had a flagrant nullity and, he explained, that the case nº 777/2015 had been dismissed for non-existence of crime by the Judge Dr.
Daniel Rafecas, validated by his appeal and the cassatory appeal withdrawn by the Chamber Prosecutor, Dr. Javier de Luca. That being said, he explained that the restoration of the deceased cause and its continuity resulted from a phenomenal campaign by the dominant media that set up an artificial media scenario where politicians and members of the judiciary operated it, participating in maneuvers that were going public today. seen by the evidence collected.
Thus, he explained that the annulments that were raised were not legal errors or procedural annulments, but an intervention plan in reality to use the judiciary to influence the electoral results, a plan to muddy reputations , criminalize politics and outlaw Dr. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and the entire political sector that she leads in the Argentine Republic. In this way, he explained that the "Dollar Futuro" case had served to influence the electoral results of 2015, that of the "Memorandum" for the 2017 elections, with a directly proscriptive purpose and, therefore, the request for the arrest of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, and that of "Vialidad" for the 2019 vote.
Next, he referred to the new evidence that was added to the case, linked to the visits to the Casa Rosada, the Casa de Olivos and the “tennis days”, which by themselves should have caused the respective excuses. In his opinion, after analyzing the evidence collected, when comparing the dates of the meetings and the judicial decisions, there was no doubt that coordination was carried out between the head of the Executive Power and the members of the Judicial Power to determine the constitution of the set of courts that ensure compliance with the purpose of criminalization.
On the other hand, he spoke of the grievances and damages he suffered as a result of his arrest. So,
on December 29, 2016, the date of the reopening of the proceedings, he explained that he was not even one of the people denounced, nor had he been until the moment the investigating judge included him in the summons fixed for the
October 23, 2017. The origin of his grievances placed him on that first date, due to the fact that he had later been prosecuted with preventive detention for the crime of treason, a circumstance that had been maintained even after that sentence was eliminated. legal qualification. He remarked that his preventive detention had been illegal and that to ensure the impact on his reputation and criminalize members of a government, media coverage of his detention was ordered by
moment
of
present yourself at the Police Delegation
Federal
of
Río Gallegos at night. Gave
details of the harassment, ordeal and espionage suffered during the 107 days of confinement and explained that he was only able to overcome them thanks to the strength of his family, the unconditional support of his friends, the accompaniment of his fellow militants and the organizations of Human Rights.
To conclude, he stated that this power game involved lives and honors, causing the death of Mr. Héctor Timerman. He asked that it be resolved with courage, without giving in to outside pressure.
Thirdly, Dr. Aníbal Ibarra, who originally pointed out that in these proceedings Messrs. Khalil, Esteche, D'Elía, Zannini and Timerman were detained. In this way, he explained that he did not appear to file an annulment because he did not agree with a Judge, but because of the prohibited interference of the Executive Power in a judicial case. Regarding said interference, he said that it was much more serious than any other because it had been done through two Cassation judges to persecute political opponents of who was the president at that time.
Thus, he stated that what was being discussed in the present statement was the division of powers that arose from the French Revolution. In this way, he indicated that Montesquieu said that the powers have to be in different areas, that there has to be a balance in the separation. He said that in order to confront monarchical absolutism where the king decided on people's lives, who was guilty or innocent, the Executive Power could not meddle in the Judiciary.
Thus, he cited Dr. Gustavo Hornos, and explained that in a file where it was suspected that the National Executive Power could intervene, he said that one of the most dangerous events in a rule of law was undue interference in the sphere action of the judiciary within the framework of an existing judicial process. With this, he explained that it revealed what had happened in these actions, "hypocrisy, lies and cheating."
In this regard, he stated that there had been a disguised political persecution here, an interference by the judiciary, but not through a presidential decree, but in a "more intelligent, more creative, more subtle, more perverse" way. He highlighted the existence of two stages: the first, linked to the complaint by Dr. Nisman, which ended with the closure of the case due to the absence of a crime, and the second, linked to the reopening of the proceedings.
Regarding the first, he explained that it arose from an international treaty that had been signed by the Executive Power and had been voted on by Parliament, with which he specified that there could not have been a crime and that the only way to culminate it was with the dismissal for non-existence of crime. Added to this, he said that the complaint was based on the lifting of the red alerts, which he explained that it had never been done and that even Ronald Noble
had said that “the Argentine State never tried to raise the red alerts”.
Regarding the second moment, he stated that the strategy had been designed by the Government of that moment with the participation of two judges who had set aside any ethical and professional principle. In this way, he specified that as it emerges from the new incorporated test, Drs. Hornos and Borinsky had met clandestinely on different occasions with former President Mauricio Macri. In this sense, he expressed that with this he did not seek to refer to the merit or not of a timely political trial, but simply to the impact that this had had for this cause. And there, he found two problems: the first related to the fact that neither Hornos nor Borinsky could intervene because they had excused themselves for all the causes related to the cover-up of the AMIA attack; and the second, related to the fact that a Chamber had intervened that should not have intervened since all the cases of "AMIA" had been processed in Chamber II and they were in Chamber IV. Thus, he explained that the lack of excuses from the aforementioned judges was due to a persecution strategy with respect to Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and a large part of her officials.
On the other hand, it warned that such a situation was highlighted by Judge Ana María Figueroa, who had explained that the intervention of Chamber I signed by Hornos and Borinsky was irregular and affected the guarantee of the natural judge, and that "If a court intervenes in a case without being empowered to hear it, any decision that has been issued without jurisdiction is inexorably affected by invalidity." The latter is what Dr. Ibarra ultimately requested.
Added to this, he explained that Dr. De Luca at the time of issuing his opinion on the reopening of the case, had made a specific section that was
Entitled “Ne Bis In Idem”, in which he analyzed the double persecution due to the existence of twin causes, the deceased that he had processed before Dr. Rafecas, and the present one that he had processed before the Court of Dr. Bonadío. For greater abundance, he clarified that it was known by the people who exercise the law that the oldest causes attracted the new ones and, in this case, this had not happened, but that the oldest had joined the cause that the Judge was processing. Bonadio. In this way, he specified that this irregularity corresponded to the plan devised to politically persecute Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. He also said that Ronald Noble's lack of declaration should be related to the same plan because if he had declared, "the cause would fall like a house of cards" and "the persecution had to be guaranteed."
Summarizing, he cited all the principles that in his opinion had been violated during the processing of the proceedings and listed: the natural judge, the Ne bis in idem, the impartiality of the judges, the independence of the powers, the finding out the truth, lis pendens, anticipation that the executive power interferes or interferes in legal cases and res judicata.
After that, he referred again to the evidence linked to the visits of Drs. Hornos and Borinsky to President Mauricio Macri. In this way, he explained that, although the foundation had been the Penal Code Reform Commission, the truth was that by June 2016 Dr. Borinsky was visiting Macri at Quinta de Olivos, he had even registered a visit six days before the opening of these proceedings was resolved. With which, he inferred that he was not in front of a judge who had met with the president in a public appearance, in which there were photos and was part of the agenda, but that they had been secret, clandestine meetings.
Next, he remarked that the importance of the fact that “federal” judges were the ones who had participated, lay in the fact that the most sensitive, institutional cases, linked to public officials, which may be of interest to the Government, are processed in the jurisdiction of the Federal Justice. For which he explained that if those judges had met the former president, an almost forbidden meeting unless it had been public and justified, they should have excused themselves without a doubt. Added to this, he explained that former President Mauricio Macri had an important interest in the processing of the "Memorandum" case and cited some of his statements after the death of Dr. Nisman and the reopening of these proceedings, circumstances in which praised Drs. Horn and Borinsky. In short, it specified that all the proceedings were null and void for violation of the different constitutional principles that were already mentioned.
Finally, he explained that, according to what was reported by INTERPOL, on December 4, 2013, in these proceedings there was no crime to investigate because, according to its regulations, the only one that could raise the red alerts and " achieve impunity for the Iranians” was the judge who had issued them, in this case Dr. Canicoba Corral, head of the National Criminal and Correctional Court 6, Secretariat 11.
Conclusively, it requested that the entire file be annulled, the dismissal of all the defendants and subsidiarily required that the petition be resolved due to the non-existence of a crime.
Later, Mr. Parrili briefly referred to the members of the court and requested that this petition be resolved with courage and dignity, applying the right to all equally and without the interference of Power Executive, so that the people can see Justice as a solution to their
conflicts, their needs, their rights and their problems of daily life.
Next, Angelina Abbona took the floor, who began her speech by explaining that she would only refer to the participation that former President Macri had, through his Minister of Justice and Human Rights, in the declaration unconstitutionality of the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran. Thus, she specified that, a few days after the Macri government took office, the lawyers of the aforementioned Ministry received the express instruction of the then minister Garavano to withdraw the appeal that was pending before the courtroom made up of Drs. Gemignani, Cabral and Figueroa, linked to the constitutionality of the Memorandum.
In this sense, she explained that said presentation had two particularities: first, that the Office of the Treasury of the Nation did not accompany her and, second, that although the National Executive Power, the Ministers, the Ministerial Secretaries, have powers to withdraw appeals filed in processes in which the National State is a party, the aforementioned withdrawal implied accepting the unconstitutionality not only of acts of the National Executive Power or its dependent bodies, but of an international treaty approved by law of the National Congress. In this way, he indicated that it could not be acceptable in constitutional terms that the simple instruction of a minister rendered null and void not only a law emanating from the National Congress but also an international treaty of higher hierarchy than the laws according to art. 75 inc. 22 of the National Constitution.
Conclusively, he specified that it had been the former minister Garavano who had provided the first link for the illegitimate staging of these proceedings,
that would serve as security for the chain of subsequent pronouncements adverse to the constitutionality of the Memorandum.
Seated on this, he explained that once the declaration of unconstitutionality of the Memorandum was signed, the scenario had been favored for a reopening of the case due to the alleged cover-up. Thus, she indicated that her actions as Treasury Attorney had brought her double criminalization: that of treason against the homeland that was being investigated in this case and that of an alleged crime of embezzlement promoted by Prosecutor Moldes for conduct - in his opinion legitimate - Linked to what she did as a National State official in defense of the clarification of the AMIA attack.
Finally, he requested that the illegitimacy of this investigation cease, which, in his case, implied a freezing of his assets and the prohibition to leave the country, but which for other co-defendants involved much more burdensome measures such as preventive detention.
Sixth, Dr. Rúa b> who throughout his presentation made particular reference to the foundations of the annulment motion that led to the hearing. Thus, he explained that it is based on articles 167, 168, 172 and
123 of the Code of Procedure and articles 26 of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 8 of the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights and 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights . In this way, he stated that specifically what he requested was the annulment of the resolutions dated November 4 and 8, 2016 of Incident No. 4 of C / No. 14,305 / 2015, and the resolutions of November 14 and December 29
of 2016 of C/Nº 777/2015, which was processed separately at that time, and of all the actions taken accordingly.
In this sense, he made a brief contextual explanation referring to the first processing of case 777/15 in the Court in charge of Dr. Rafecas, which accumulated various complaints, including that of Mr. Dupuy de Lome, and which concluded with the dismissal for the non-existence of a crime on February 26, 2016. Thus, he explained that after the reopening of the case was requested through different "opponents", the integration of the Chamber of the Chamber of Cassation that should Intervening was strongly questioned because most of the judges had refrained from intervening in cases related to the AMIA attack and its related matters.
After providing this brief contextual introduction, he made an exhaustive explanation of the chronological order of the different evidence that works in the case, placing special emphasis and detail on the different events of these proceedings and the visits that work in the "List General of Visits” of the Casa Rosada and in the “List of Visits” of the Quinta de Olivos, among which the presence of Judges Hornos and Borinsky, and the President of the DAIA, Ariel Cohen Sabban. In addition to this, the latter's meetings with the former security minister, Patricia Bullrich.
Next, he explained that Dr. Bonadio, despite the fact that he had to stay away from the cases related to the AMIA cover-up, had guaranteed the reopening of the proceedings and their subsequent processing, together with Prosecutor Plee, and the already appointed Judges Horn and Borinsky. By way of example, he indicated that the holder of the DAIA had never duly accredited the special power to sue.
Thus, he insisted not only on the seriousness of the dozens of meetings between Judges Hornos and Borinsky and former President Mauricio Macri, but also on the express rejection of the challenges raised.
Finally, the vote of Dr. Figueroa and the opinion of Mr. Prosecutor De Luca were referred, who warned about the different irregularities in the processing of the case and then cited various parts of the opinion of the Ethics Commission Ibero-American Judiciary, added in the present case.
Next, he took the word of Dr. Barcesat b>, who based his address on the explanation of three fictions that, in his opinion, characterized the processing of this case and disqualified the activity of the Nation's Judiciary.
First of all, he highlighted that the first fiction was linked to the fact of acting as if the cause had been legitimately promoted. He highlighted the existence of twin cases in violation or breach of non bis in idem or double criminal prosecution. In this way, he explained that there was a first file promoted by Former Prosecutor Alberto Nisman that had been dismissed in the first instance and then by the Federal Chamber, which passed in authority of res judicata. Thus, he specified that when speaking of "res judicata" one is actually referring to arts.
18 and 19 of the National Constitution, with which the reopening of these proceedings also implied a breach of the guarantees of the defense in court, of due process and of the natural judge. Regarding this point, he finally stated that art. 109 of the National Constitution establishes exhaustively that in no case can the President of the Nation interfere in pending cases or restore the
deceased, circumstances that he assessed, had happened in this process in a fraudulent manner.
Secondly, he explained that there was a second fiction linked to the red alerts. Thus, he indicated that there was no impact on the validity of these alerts because only the Judge in charge of the Court that issued them could make modifications, circumstances that did not occur. In this sense, he explained that he was struck by the fact that no testimonial statement was received from the person who was the Secretary General of INTERPOL to make him realize that this alleged affectation did not exist.
Thirdly, he referred to the latest fiction linked to the fact that the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran failed to meet its validity requirements to become an international treaty under Public International Law. Thus, he specified that, although the National Congress had approved the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran later, by judicial means, it had been attacked and had been declared unconstitutional; and, in the same sense, in the Islamic Republic of Iran it had also been rejected. Faced with this, he questioned whether, based on a non-existent legal act, a reproach of treason against the nation could be made, as was the case in these proceedings.
In conclusion, he specified that even in the face of these irregularities in the reopening, there were different grievances that were impossible to repair later, linked to restrictions on mobility and property and preventive prisons. He stressed that Mr. Timmerman had died suffering the ordeal caused by this process.
Thus, he explained that the annulments that were dealt with here were of public order because they were those that affected the clause of art. 27th of
the National Constitution, which not only applied to acts with foreign powers but also to acts that take place within the country. In this sense, he explained that the magistrates had a duty of obedience to the Constitutional Supremacy and that they should repress and condemn acts of force that injure it.
Lastly, he stated that art. 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights imposed four cardinal requirements for judges: suitability, impartiality, independence and competence, which in his opinion had not been met throughout the present process. For this reason, it requested that the duty of observance of the supremacy of the National Constitution be ensured, that the jurisdictional function not be postponed, that the nullity be resolved and that the dismissal be ordered for the absence of a crime.
First of all, Dr. Adrian Albor made his presentation, who referred to the presentations made by his colleagues in order to not to unnecessarily repeat some issues. Added to this, he briefly referred to the context in which these proceedings had originated, and explained that in his opinion there was an international need to demonize Iran by linking it to the AMIA attack.
In this sense, he explained that the Memorandum of Understanding, the constitutionality of which had been questioned, was necessary for the investigation to advance towards finding out the truth. In this way, he explained that the Memorandum would have the possibility that an Argentine judge could go to the Republic of Iran, together with the Prosecutor to investigate the people
investigated, and then continue with the process. Thus, he explained that, if that had happened, possibly Dr. Canicoba Corral, head of the court in charge of the investigation, would have had to issue different lacks of merit, with which, in response to this, he had chosen to demonize the Memorandum instead of honoring the Argentines killed in the AMIA bombing with the truth.
He continued his speech explaining that a law of the national congress could never incur in the crime of abuse of authority because the congress itself was the one who said what was a crime and what was not. Therefore, he explained that the conduct was atypical because it did not contravene any legal provision.
Lastly, he referred to this case as one of the three most important causes of “lawfare” in the country, whose purpose had been to install a right-wing political project in the government, destroying the political adversary, who in this case It was Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
Next, Mr. Luis D' Elia b>, who first mentioned that he was a victim of the "Lawfare for the Confederation of Political Parties of Latin America" plan. He said that there were eighty-two "Wikileaks" cables recognized by the United States Department of State that are linked to his person, one of them in which
Mauricio Macri specified that
during
your government
would imprison.
In short, he said there was
been a
political prisoner,
recounted the grievances suffered
during
his arrest and
He founded all of this on his desire to clarify the truth, defend life and human rights from one of the most aberrational episodes that the Argentine people had to experience.
Finally, he requested that the independence of the judiciary be restored and the annulment resolved; and he thanked the Argentine people, all the political union organizations that accompanied him, Dr. Albor and his family.
Thirdly, Dr. Alberdi, who, in order not to reiterate the arguments put forward by his colleagues, adhered to all the proposals already made. Notwithstanding this, he highlighted some points that he considered central.
Thus, he referred particularly to the complaint made by Dr. Nisman, where it had been stated that Mr. Bogado, through an intermediary person, had direct messages with Dr. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. He denied that this had happened and questioned that this had not been verified.
Next, he recounted how the investigation process into the AMIA attack was, he highlighted irregularities and criticized the actions of the media.
Finally, he concluded his speech by requesting that, after so much time, the annulments raised due to all the number of people harmed by the course of the process be resolved.
Fourth, Dr. Arias Duval b>, who made the presentations of his predecessor colleagues his own and considered as reproduced the writings presented by that party in the Nullity Incidents No. 22 and 24.
Next, he explained that throughout the hearing the violation of the republican principle of division of power had been revealed due to the different interferences of the National Executive Power in the Nation's Judicial Power. Likewise, he mentioned that different violations were indicated to
constitutional rules such as the ne bis in idem that protects citizens against double jeopardy and said that intervention in the case of judges whose impartiality was severely affected and who should have withdrawn had been accredited, through the incorporated evidence.
In this sense, he made some clarifications on the guarantee of the impartiality of the judge recognized in the arts. 18 and 33 of the National Constitution, 26 of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 8 of the American Convention on Human Rights and 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Thus, he said that the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation has repeatedly maintained that it is one of the pillars on which our trial system rests because it is a direct manifestation of the accusatory principle and the guarantees of defense in trial and due process. .
He also explained that the right to an independent and impartial tribunal stemmed from the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, which had an objective and a subjective variant.
In this sense, he specified that the impartiality considered subjectively was linked to the personal position of the judges with respect to the parties of a legal case, to a consideration of the internal jurisdiction of the judges. Thus, he explained that subjective impartiality constituted a guarantee that allowed a judge to be removed from a specific case when there were objectively justified suspicions, that is, externalized behaviors and supported by objective data, which would make it possible to affirm that this judge was not unrelated to the case. or that allowed to fear that for
Any relationship with the specific case would not use as judgment criteria that provided by law, but other considerations outside the legal system.
In another order, he explained that impartiality in an objective sense should take into account the relevance of those external conditions that could compromise or harm the impartial administration of justice.
Conclusively, it stated that when some of these conditions were present, all the decisions adopted by those magistrates lost legitimacy and became null and void due to violation of a constitutionally established guarantee, collected and recognized in international treaties signed by the Republic Argentina.
In light of this, he said that according to the evidence in the case, it had been learned that the two judges who reopened the case visited and played tennis with the then President of the Nation who headed the political force opposed to the government of Dr. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Thus, he explained that the fear they had at the beginning of the investigation was objectively based on the verification of the aforementioned visits. Which, in his opinion, means that judges Hornos and Borinsky should have departed from the present proceedings.
Finally, he stated that the violation of the right to defense of his assistant, Eduardo Zuain, and of all his consorts in the case had been irrefutably verified from the moment of the initial impulse of the defendants, reiterated on the occasion of being summoned to to give an investigative statement, to dictate his prosecution, to process his appeal and to reject the appeal and the federal extraordinary.
Next, the Mr. Zuain b>, who began his exposition by saying that when he found out about the visits of Drs. Hornos y Borinsky to the Quinta Presidencial and the Casa Rosada, found a logical and coherent explanation for the way in which the present process was processed.
In this sense, he explained that it was only necessary to read INTERPOL's statutes to understand that the lifting of red alerts could only be requested by the judge of the case that had issued them and not by the decision of a government. Faced with this, he questioned that the legal opinion of the council linked to INTERPOL and the statements of Ronald Noble had not been considered.
He then explained that after a year as Ambassador to Paraguay, President Macri made the decision to relieve him of his position without giving him any explanation and that, eighteen days later, he had been charged in this case. Thus, he indicated that the communication, organization and planning between the Executive Power and the Judicial Power were clear. Along the same lines, he said that the person who charged him at that time was the Prosecutor Pollicita, who had shared a management with Macri at the Boca Juniors club. With which, he understood that not only the judges should have excused themselves, but also the prosecutor Pollicita, concluding that he did not have a good service of justice.
He also recalled that in the first place the Federal Criminal Oral Court No. 9 had been drawn, which in his opinion was armed to guarantee the illegal processing of this case. He again questioned the bias of the judges, expressing that he not only had a well-founded fear of bias but also "panic of bias."
On the other hand, he explained that, prior to the signing of the Memorandum, he had been consulted by
the temperament that the Argentine State could take in a meeting to be held in Korea in which one of the people whose red alert was in force would participate. Thus, he specified that on April 25, 2014, as vice chancellor, he sent note 5572/14 in which he informed the Korean Ambassador that if the citizen with a red alert participated in the possible meeting, the Argentine Republic would request his extradition from in accordance with the Extradition Treaty signed between the Argentine Republic and the Republic of Korea that entered into force on November 9, 2000. In this sense, it indicated that a good investigation would have required these files and perhaps, the present case would not have continued. cause.
Finally, he specified that the Executive Branch had the right and duty to design and execute its foreign policy in order to help the Judiciary to investigate the AMIA attack; and that this was not a judiciable matter since foreign policy was validated at the polls during an election. Along the same lines, he indicated that, in addition, a bilateral agreement negotiated by the executive branch, approved by both chambers of Congress and converted into a law of the nation and which was not enforced, cannot be the subject of criminal proceedings either.
In the following term, he continued exposing Dr. Arslanian who highlighted the enormous importance of holding this hearing, which served so that the parties could be heard. Next, it indicated that it would only refer to the nullity of this process, the lack of criminality of the imputed action -res judicata- and the non-justiciable political issue.
He stated that the Memorandum had never entered into force, so it never came into being
legal. Faced with this, he explained that the conduct cannot be anything other than atypical because it lacked criminal legal significance.
Secondly, he explained that Dr. Rafecas, in his resolution, had carried out an exhaustive and analytical investigation of all the elements of the charge presented by the prosecution, and that he had answered each of the alleged indications. Consequently, the existence of this case -he referred to it- was a serious violation of the guarantee of ne bis in idem, based on various rulings of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation.
Thirdly, it specified that the non-justiciable political issue was a corollary of the principle of separation of powers, which implied that within the State there were restrictions on judges in the area of competence of other bodies, whose decisions could not be reviewed or interfered. Based on this, he explained that the Memorandum with Iran, ratified by law, could not be submitted to the scrutiny of the judges, since it is a non-justiciable political act, decided in the sphere of the Executive Branch with the support of the National Congress through both chambers. . Finally, it indicated that such circumstance implied the nullity of all the proceedings in the opposite direction, based on the complaint made by Prosecutor Nisman, for manifestly deviating from the criteria that he should have observed.
Ultimately, Dr. Mocking b> who stated that from a technical point of view he could not add more foundation to the one already exposed by all his predecessors, with which he endorsed everything said. In this sense, he requested that justice initiate a true reparatory action and resolve putting an end to this scandalous process. Finally, it requested not only the annulment
of all the proceedings from the resolution of the Court of Cassation on December 29, 2016, but also the dismissal of all the accused and kept the federal case confidential.
During the course of this hearing, only the Attorney General, Dr. Colombo, b> who announced that he was going to request the rejection of the annulments requested by virtue of being a premature proposal.
In this way, he made a brief introduction in which he explained that two types of issues were dealt with here: the “new” and the “non-new”. Thus, it characterized the "not novel" as those that had already been introduced and raised in 2016 with respect to which the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation had already ruled upon dismissing the appeals filed, which, his trial, was a formal impediment to repeat his treatment. On the other hand, it identified the "novel issues" as those introduced by the defenses linked to the presidential visits and the journalistic note published on the "El Cohete a la Luna" portal.
He also said that he would finally make a review regarding the sanction of nullity and the general principles that govern it.
Regarding the first question, he explained that once the oral and public trial was reached, issues that had already been resolved in accordance with the principle of progressivity and conservation of judicial acts could not be discussed again. . Therefore, in his opinion, the only thing left in this process was to advance to the debate and discuss the evidence there.
that have been covered by the defenses in this nullity motion.
Subsequently, it recognized that the exceptions contained in art. 361, C.P.P.N., which established that when there was new evidence by which it was evident that the defendant had acted in a state of imputability or an extinctive cause of the criminal action existed or supervened, and to prove it, the debate in this case was not necessary, the Court could order dismissal. Notwithstanding this, it explained that there was still a supplementary instruction in progress that had not been exhausted, with which it would be absolutely premature to address this matter in the framework of this nullity incident in which the complaints did not participate.
On the other hand, he referred to “new” issues. First, he explained that what was being questioned was that Drs. Hornos and Borinsky had been guided by interests unrelated to the proper application of the law. Thus, he addressed the first point, linked to the participation of those named in this file and stated that the certification that the defenses were talking about, in which a survey was made of which judges could or could not intervene, was in the file. 3184 called “Israeli Mutual Association s/ Amparo”. In this sense, he argued that it was not a criminal case, but a case where the constitutionality of the Memorandum of Understanding signed by the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran was discussed. Thus, it specified that in those proceedings the aforementioned agreement had been complied with and Chamber II had intervened as a result of a lottery; and, in that same sense, it explained that the same thing happened with case 14305/15 in which Chamber IV also intervened as a result of a lottery.
As a second point, he explained the reasons why Drs. Hornos and Borinsky had excused themselves, as they were working on the certification that was carried out in the expte. 3184. Thus, he highlighted that Judge Hornos had refrained from intervening in case 13137, which is the cause of the investigation of the attack on the AMIA headquarters -the central case-, for having had any intervention as a prosecutor before the Federal Chamber and that excuse was accepted on August 16, 2012. In the case of Dr. Borinsky, he explained that, although he had also excused himself from intervening in that same cause 13767 and its related, and that his excuse had been accepted on August 8 April 2013, his reasons were different because the named had made available to the Court the possibility of evaluating whether or not the excuse was appropriate, due to the personal relationship that linked him to a prosecutor due to the friendship that existed between their wives .
In this way, he stated that the grounds that motivated these excuses did not subsist within the framework of this expte. 14305/2015 because there was no formal declaration of connection between the causes being investigated for the AMIA attack and this one, and that had been the reason that Hornos and Borinsky gave for continuing with their intervention. Therefore, that certification should not be applied in this case.
In light of this, he once again referred to the resolution of the Court on May 22, 2018, in response to the proposal made by Timerman's Defense related to the violation of the ne bis in idem guarantee and explained that he had already resolved by the Court could not be reviewed again, unless there was a final sentence that empowered to deal with these issues. In this sense, he indicated that there was a problem of formal order because "it may like
more or less a decision of the Court, but this decision exists and that decision has gravitation within the criminal process”.
Nevertheless, he continued his explanation, specifying that the treatment of this issue could be enabled due to the existence of novel issues related to the presidential visits and the journalistic note to which he referred.
In this regard, he cited the “Llerena” ruling and explained that, in order to question the bias of the judges, an undue connection had to be glimpsed with the object or parts of the case. In this way, it indicated that there was continuity and regularity in the presidential visits of Borisnky and Hornos, even after December 29, 2016. Likewise, it stated that there had never been joint visits by both magistrates, nor with persons linked to the prosecuting parties in this process.
Added to this, he explained that a possible parameter could be the temporal proximity of the visits with respect to the decisions adopted in this process. Regarding Dr. Hornos's visits, he stated that in his admission reference was made to "Conventions" in which he entered at 12:30 pm. and left at 12:40 p.m., and then another in which he entered at 12:45 p.m. and left at 3:00 p.m., with which he concluded that specific objectives could not be seriously derived from this information. Regarding Judge Borinsky, he explained that his entrances and exits coincided with those of "Ramón Ulloa" and "Leandro Cuccioli", and that the former would also appear in the cases of visits by "Paddle". In short, it indicated that in none of the cases did people who might have an interest or connection to this cause appear.
He stated that regarding the notes that appeared on the cell phone of Mr. Nieto -private secretary of former President Mauricio Macri-, he explained that it was a note that was dated November 1, 2018 and that it spoke in a general way, with what which in his opinion it was not possible to relate it to any particular object or cause.
On the other hand, he explained that the law was the one that defined who were the interested parties or the parties in the process and with respect to which none of the grounds established in article 55 could be had. In this sense, he specified that The interested parties were considered: the defendant, the offended victim and the civilly sued, and that the former president did not enter this category, no matter how ex-president he was, nor was he a political adversary, an economic adversary or a commercial competitor.
Regarding the nullity specifically, he said that since the defect had not been proven in this process, progress could not be made with the certainty that the declaration of the nullity of a procedural act required, precisely because the defect was not proven in the involvement of the impartial judge in this specific case, or at least the evidence gathered in this incident, was, in his opinion, insufficient.
Finally, in relation to the journalistic note, he indicated that this implied an incursion into the full-fledged exclusion rules established by art. 55 of the Criminal Code and, in accordance with art. 177 of the CPPN said that it had formulated a specific criminal complaint in the Federal Chamber for the purpose of investigating this hypothesis. To this end, it requested that a copy of the present case and of the hearings held with the Court be made available to the Judicial Council.
involvement of all parties and aggregate evidence in the incident.
During the course of the hearing on August 25, 2021, Drs. Beraldi, Larrandart, Peñafort, Barcesat, Fragueiro Frías, Aldazabal, Alberdi and Ibarra made their replies to the arguments put forward by the Prosecutor.
First of all, Dr. Beraldi b> who explained that he disagreed with Mr. Prosecutor in two aspects. First, with respect to the regulatory framework applicable to the case and second, with regard to the assessment of the evidence of the facts that founded the petition for annulment.
In this way, he explained that this was not an issue that had to do with the recusal or excuse of judges, but with the violation of the guarantee of the natural judge. Thus, he indicated that what was involved was preserving the independence of the judges with respect to the other powers of the State. To support said argument, he specified that art. 109 of the National Constitution prohibited the Executive Power from interfering in the decisions of the magistrates, being they the guarantors that such interference did not exist.
He then stated that the Bangalore Principles approved by the UN Economic and Social Council through Resolution 2006-
23 regarding judicial conduct, whose point 1.3 explained that a judge could not erode his credibility based on the conduct he carried out and that it was not necessary to effectively show the violation of the principle of independence of powers , but that the existence of a fear was enough.
Lastly, he highlighted the contextual framework in which the visits of the judges with the former president of the nation were inserted and mentioned that the concealment of these interviews can only be understood as a violation of the principle of independence.
In short, it stated that the assessment made by the Prosecutor was not adjusted to sound criticism and required the court to take this issue into account and resolve in accordance with the petition for annulment.
Secondly, Dra. Larrandart, who stated that the speech of Mr. Prosecutor had been completely contradictory. He explained that although Dr. Colombo admitted that the visits had existed and that they were reprehensible, at the time of providing conclusions, he had not made them play for the cause. He then stated that ensuring the independence of judges from other powers within the institutional design was a vital role for democracy.
After detailing the contradictions that stood out, he insisted that the defenses were looking for a definitive solution to the case because what was being dealt with was a matter of pure law provided for in art. 361 of the CPPN and required the Court to assess the evidence received and decide supporting the annulment requests.
Thirdly, Dr. Penafort. During his presentation, he reiterated that, if that defense had been aware of the visits of Drs. Hornos and Borinsky, their proposals would have prospered in another sense. It required that the cause be nullified, despite which it would not be possible to return to all the people involved the time they were in prison or their lives.
Next it was the turn of Dr. Barcesat who explained that the annulments that were dealt with here were total, absolute and incurable because they affected the supremacy of the National Constitution and the guarantees of due process and defense in court that are matters of constitutional public order. Thus, it stated that the three disqualification requirements included in art. 109 of the National Constitution because the president intervened in a legal case.
In this order of ideas, he indicated that the National Constitution should be observed by all operators of law and by all magistrates, because they even had the power to declare the unconstitutionality of a norm emanating from another power based on the duty of obedience to that constitutional supremacy.
Likewise, it specified that after more than five years of processing this file, it was not necessary to process this annulment in an oral and public debate because it was linked to matters of pure law and that there was no other evidence to incorporate . In this way, he cited the precedent "San Martín de Tours Foundation" of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation according to which "the constitutional guarantee of defense in court and due process does not end in the formal compliance with the procedures provided for in adjective laws, but extends to the need to obtain a quick and effective judicial decision that puts an end to conflicts and situations of uncertainty, avoiding, within the limits of reason and according to the circumstances of each case, a costly and eventually useless judicial activity”.
Conclusively, he explained that art.
116 of the National Constitution defined that the function
of the Judiciary was to know and decide, and required the Court to, consequently, resolve the petition for annulment in order to safeguard the credibility and rationality of legal discourse and jurisdictional practices.
Fourth, Dr. Fragueiro Frias which exposed the contradictions and omissions in which the tax report incurred, concluding that they made it irrational. He stressed that the prosecutor's assessment had been inaccurate and that, therefore, it was not a well-founded opinion. Added to this, he explained that it emanated from the new Federal Code that the Prosecutor had "the obligation to motivate his requirements and resolutions", and that "by the principle of action he must act with objectivity and procedural loyalty", circumstances that he understood were not met. in this procedure.
In this sense, he stressed that the annulment that was postulated here did not require the apodictic certainty of a conviction, but only a reasonable doubt and, he stressed that, in his opinion, in this case, there is not only doubt but also a certainty of the interference of the Executive Power to the Judicial Power.
In short, he reached the following conclusions: that the tax opposition is absolutely illogical and irrational; that it departed from the relevant records of the case; that he adopted a model of evidentiary evaluation inapplicable to the case that led him to postulate that the annulment appeared premature; and that it relativized the proven facts to a review of the actions of judges Hornos and Borinsky. Lastly, he reiterated that the involvement of res judicata had been absolutely proven; to the guarantee that prevented double judging and double persecution; to that of the natural, impartial and
independent; due process and the right to defense. For all these reasons, he requested that the Court depart from the tax ruling and resolve the request for annulment.
In fifth place, Dr. Aldazabal, who highlighted the doctrine of appearances regarding the fact that the judge not only had to act well in the case but also outside of it, so that both those involved and society in general conceive that they were before an independent judge and impartial.
Next, he criticized Dr. Colombo's address regarding the existence of a formal impediment and stressed that there was no such restriction because as many issues as possible should be addressed during the hearings in honor of autonomy procedural and within a reasonable time.
Lastly, he explained that society did not trust justice due to the spurious relations that existed between the judges and the Executive Power, added to the excessive formalisms and eternal processes. Consequently, he requested that the proposed annulment be resolved on this occasion, to end the process and recover justice, his honor and legitimacy.
Next, Dr. Alberdi b> who stressed that in his opinion it was impossible to add more evidence to the case, and that the reasons for the annulment petition had been duly accredited.
In seventh and last place, Dr. Ibarra who first specified that this was not a question of violations of arts. 55 and
56 of the National Criminal Procedure Code, but of the
independence of the Judiciary or the non-interference of one power over another.
Next, he explained that there was no doubt that Mauricio Macri was president in 2016, that Hornos and Borinsky were judges of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation that same year, that during that government period they had met among themselves repeatedly in both the Quinta de Olivos and the Casa Rosada, and that these visits had been reserved. In this sense, he stressed that only this reservation was very serious, and even more so when no reasonable explanations were provided, based on what is stipulated in art. 109 of the National Constitution.
In this way, it requested that the request for annulment be accepted and requested the dismissal due to the non-existence of a crime of the defendants in these proceedings.
At the end of this hearing, the Court, after certifying all the prior and special statements made by the defenses in the framework of these proceedings, heard the accusing parties of those that had not been formally substantiated and were pending resolution. A new date was set to hear them and at the request of the representatives of "Llamamiento Argentino Judío" - accepted as amicus curiae - they were informed that they could speak on that occasion.
During the course of this hearing, Attorney General Marcelo Colombo first of all reiterated that the annulment that was being raised here was linked to deciding whether or not there was a vice of
affecting the impartial judge at the time of deciding
on the reopening of the case in
both act
of
valid process. Thus, he explained that
the case of
what
there were sufficient arguments for
say that
that one
The ruling was null due to the impartial judge's affectation, that nullity would drag down the entire process and would lead to a referral of the case to the Federal Chamber so that now, with impartial judges, they decide whether or not to open the case.
As a second point, he expressed his opinion regarding the arguments for the non-existence of a crime and whether it was possible to dispense with the debate in this instance by virtue of the evidence in the case. In this way, he specified that what was at stake was the rule of art. 361 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation and indicated that for this to happen there must be new evidence, compelling, to say that there was no crime in the case and, furthermore, no evidentiary production should be subtracted.
He stressed that similar issues had been resolved by this Court, rejecting them in limine, on the understanding that it was not even necessary to listen to the parties because it was an absolutely clear legal matter and that, once the investigation instance had been passed, there was no possibility of evaluate tests if it was not in the oral debate.
Likewise, it stated that there was still evidence to produce because in the admissibility case new witnesses had been summoned who had not been heard to date and that it was not possible to anticipate what they would say.
In another order of ideas, he explained that the INTERPOL report was not a new circumstance but already known by the parties and even discussed during the investigation as it arises from fs. 7,400. Thus, he stressed that this report brings up a
interpretation of art. 81 inc. 2º of the INTERPOL regulation but nothing says about the inc. 3 of that same document and, in his opinion, that was the controversial element of the present case.
Thus, he explained that the present case did not meet the requirements stipulated in art. 361 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation and, to support said question, he cited the ruling handed down in the "Dollar Futuro" case of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation, in which it was established that the rule should be understood in a broad sense, as long as, its production will make the debate unnecessary due to jurisdictional waste.
In short, it requested the rejection of the exception of lack of action and upheld the request for rejection regarding the annulments raised.
Next, Dr. Farini Duggan, on behalf of the complaint that attended this hearing, and explained that, given the new hearing granted for the absence of a crime, they had been forced to participate in the celebration of this act.
Thus, he explained that according to the certification made by the Court, with the exception of the statements formulated by doctors Ibarra and Aldazabal, all the other incidents related to an alleged lack of action due to this particular hearing, had already been rejected and those resolutions were firm, which is why nothing corresponded to resolve in this act since doing so would mean ignoring the existence of res judicata on those points specifically.
Now, with regard to the statements made by Drs. Ibarra and Aldazabal explained that they should be rejected to the extent that the discussion linked to the existence of a crime, that is, to whether the facts that make up the object of
The accusation was typical, it was typical of oral debate and, in the words of the Court, these statements involved issues of fact and evidence that had to be resolved in the debate stage.
In another order of ideas, he indicated that from the documentation attached to the INTERPOL report, it emerged that the General Secretariat of said institution had the power to suspend and, the General Assembly to cancel the red alerts without an order from the Argentine judge. Likewise, he stated that, according to the information provided by INTERPOL, Ronald Noble could not have offered his statement because it could not be produced by the internal regulations of the mentioned body. On the other hand, he questioned that the Memorandum had not entered into force, if the banners that had been imposed on the mentioned red alerts were taken into account.
Conclusively, it indicated that there was no reason to justify reissuing the claims of lack of action resolved by means of resolutions that had already become final and that is why it required that the requests not be granted. Lastly, he made a reservation to appeal to the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation and/or the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation.
Thirdly, Drs. Kon and Lutsky, accepted amicus curiae, who questioned the representation of the DAIA regarding the Jewish community and affirmed that it was an institution with a low level of legitimacy. In this sense, they explained that it was made up of different organizations, including some that had disappeared despite which they were on their list, and that none of them had participated in the debate should precede the adoption of a measure as serious as that of sponsoring and/or supporting the presents performed.
They also reported that when speaking of the Jewish community, most of the relatives of AMIA victims had separated from the behavior of the DAIA and had aligned themselves with organizations such as Apemia, Active Memory, etc.
Lastly, they stated that whenever “truth or secret” was discussed, the DAIA always maintained the “secret” throughout the various investigations related to the attack.
Next, Dr. Fragueiro Frías b>, who in the first place adhered to all the proposals for non-existence of crime or lack of legality made by his colleagues.
Thus, he explained that it was absolutely clear that there had been no violation of the principle of harmfulness and specified that this was easy to elucidate based on the background information recorded in the proceedings and the process of signing the Memorandum.
Thus, he said that the new report prepared by INTERPOL was new evidence because there were new elements there. He warned that there was a communication from Chancellor Timmerman in which he said that "the approval by the relevant bodies of both states and its future entry into force does not produce any change in the applicable criminal procedure or in the status of the requirements of each national above refer it”.
Finally, he stated that this is “more than new evidence”, but that it is evidence that “there was nothing here”, and that it was incorrect to point it out that way because it revealed the non-existence of a crime.
In sixth order, Dr. Larrandart, which once again stressed that the serious complaint made by Dr. Figueroa regarding the pressures of the Executive Power on the
cause of the Memorandum, and the proven sports relationship or of any kind existing between judges Hornos and Borinsky, and former president Mauricio Macri.
In this line, he requested that a judicial waste be avoided because that was the function of the judges and he specified that it was the opportune moment to make a reasonable pronouncement.
After that, she was succeeded by Dr. Barcesat, which explained that here the guarantees of arts. 18, 19 and 116 of the National Constitution, and the normative plexus of International Human Rights Treaties. He stressed that it had been shown ad nauseam that the red alerts had never been lifted or requested to be lifted and, because of this, there was no legal act or harmful conduct.
Then Mr. Mena took the floor, referring to four points during his speech. In the first place, he explained that the communications from Foreign Minister Timmerman to INTERPOL and the response from the Director of Legal Affairs, Joel Solier, were not taken into account, in which the role of the Argentine authorities and INTERPOL's legal consideration regarding the Red alert status.
Secondly, he explained that the banners printed for red alerts were part of a decision made exclusively by INTERPOL and that it had nothing to do with the Argentine authorities.
Thirdly, it questioned the statements of the complaint about the entry into force of the Memorandum because it had not been able to be legislatively approved by the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was an absolutely necessary condition, as well as the exchange of notes verbal between both states, circumstances that never happened.
As a last point, he stressed that the quote made by the Prosecutor regarding the “Dollar Futuro” case was not applicable to this process because an expertise was not needed here to realize that the red alerts were in force. He explained that to do so, all you had to do was enter the website www.interpol.int and check its validity.
Conclusively, he pointed out that it was difficult to understand why it was necessary to move towards an oral and public debate, when the issues to be dealt with were absolutely clear.
In the following order, Dr. Aldazabal who adhered and referred to the previous exhibitions.
Ultimately, Dr. Ibarra, who explained that it had been fully demonstrated that the opening of this case had been a political decision. He added that it could not be ignored that the reason for the intervention of former President Macri with respect to the Cassation judges lay in the political opposition with Vice President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
Thus, he reiterated that there was no crime to investigate here and that, despite the fact that this had been clear from the beginning, it was now confirmed by the new INTERPOL evidence.
For this reason, it requested that the exception of lack of action be accepted due to the non-existence of a crime and, secondarily, that the annulment of the proceedings be decreed.
I. A preliminary clarification: the relevance of discussing the issues brought before the Tribunal in an oral and public hearing.
Preliminarily, it is worth noting that, perhaps with the exception of lawsuits, no one doubts, nowadays, that the hearing as a work methodology, in terms of litigation, is the one that best ensures the constitutional requirements of orality and publicity , derived from our republican form of government (art. 1 and 33 of the CN), contradiction and immediacy. In this specific case, all the available mechanisms have been put into operation so that, despite the pandemic, the hearings are carried out through the most effective audiovisual media and are transmitted via streaming via YouTube in order to reach a number of citizens interested in what was aired here, in the broadest, most transparent and democratic way that was possible.
Taking for certain then that the oral hearing is the best place to resolve the arguments brought by the Defenses, there is an additional argument regarding the opportunity and the moment in which this Court decided to substantiate them.
In this sense, to the institutional and geopolitical issues that have already been considered, it must be added that from a technical-procedural perspective we also consider it appropriate to clear up -before the start of the debate- the doubts raised by the parties about the validity of absolutely transcendental acts in this cause.
Thus, and leaving aside for a moment the particularities of this cause, the truth is that it is quite common in judicial practice, that at the end of any debate the parties present incidents of different tenor (recusals, annulments , exceptions, objections, suspension requests, etc). These issues in the accusatory systems are discussed and resolved in the preliminary hearings to control the accusation. It is said in this regard: "at the time of trial the case must arrive "clean", all discussions about what
The parties may allege or not, they must have been given previously, in this way, the day that the trial hearing has been summoned, once installed, the function of the judges will be to allow the parties to announce, present, control and assess the information, to subsequently make a decision on the existence or not of criminal responsibility”. Indeed, the doctrine indicates that this procedural moment is central since it becomes the last filter before proceeding to trial, thus avoiding distorting it towards discussions that should have occurred previously (Lorenzo L., “Manual de Litigación”. Litigation Collection. and adversarial prosecution, Ed. Didot, page 155 et seq.).
In effect, the hearing established in these orders, which some theorists call “multipurpose”, exist in the federal order within the Federal Criminal Procedure Code itself, specifically in art. 279 under the title "Prosecution Control Hearing" (Code approved by Law No. 27,063 whose partial implementation was provided in resolutions 2/2019 -B.O. 11/19/2019- and 1/2021 -B.O. 02/10/2021 - of the Bicameral Commission for Monitoring and Implementation of the Federal Criminal Procedure Code). In the provinces where they have a fully valid accusatory system, this kind of hearing is the rule and not the exception (vgr, Arts. 296 and 297 of the Criminal Procedure Code of Santa Fe; Arts. 167 to 169 of the Criminal Procedure Code of Neuquén, i.a. these codes establish that, in the hearing of the intermediate stage, together with the control of the accusation, issues related to formal or substantial defects, requests for dismissal, exceptions, etc. Therefore, the assertion that it would be a hearing "that does not exist in the code" is at least inaccurate, since it exists in law 27063, already in force in some jurisdictions. In any case, it is about the adoption or use of a tool (orality) like the one
It is already in force for similar cases in the federal jurisdiction, although it is located in some Argentine provinces, without valid reasons being observed to sustain that it would be prohibited for use in the Federal Capital. Above all, when the aim pursued is to prevent the substantiation of the statements, through written form, from being plunged into the darkness of the paper file, particularly in this case where highly sensitive issues are touched on that arouse the interest of all society, which is why this Court chose to provide the greatest transparency to each and every one of the hearings carried out.
To all that has been said, it must be added that the factual basis on which the defenses made their proposals for annulment is public knowledge and is not disputed by the parties. Indeed, the evidence admitted for this hearing was limited to the incorporation of reports or testimonies of cases in process or expired, administrative files and public resolutions. No witnesses were summoned so that what happened could not be classified as a “mini trial” or an equivalent expression that tries to undermine the purpose of the hearings that were held.
It is now up to us, therefore, having guaranteed the parties their right to fully present their arguments, petitions and grounds, under the protection of all the guarantees of the criminal process around the issue brought to study, that we address it, which will be developed in the following paragraphs.
II. Brief theoretical reference about the central qualities of judicial activity: independence and impartiality.
The origins of the discussions about what justice is and more precisely, in whose hands it should be and how it should be exercised can be
go back, if one wanted to go very far back in time, to the conversations between Plato, through Socrates and the philosophers of the time. At that time, the disquisitions revolved around who administered justice in the different states (aristocratic or popular monarchists). On one occasion, one of them, Thrasymachus, replied to Socrates that "In each state, justice is nothing more than the utility of the one who has the authority in his hands, and, consequently, of the strongest"< /b>, to which he said: “now I understand what you mean; but is that true?” ("The Republic or the State", Plato, Edaf Library, 1998, p. 33 and ss).
The answer to this question has had many answers throughout history, however, we could say that there is a consensus that justice does not respond to exclusively personal conduct, but rather depends to a great extent on the structure of a community.
In the words of Will Durant, if we can describe a fair state, we are better able to present a fair individual. Because the just man is the one who is in just the right place, doing the best he can, and giving an exact equivalent of what he receives. A society of just men would therefore be a harmonious and highly efficient community, because each element would be in its place, fulfilling its proper function like the instruments in a perfect orchestra. Justice is not the right of the strongest but the effective harmony of the whole ("History of philosophy", The life and thought of the world's greatest philosophers, Will Durant, Editorial Diana, Mexico, 6th printing, July 1994, p.44 et seq.).
The appointment is not random, since the "function" that we are called to fulfill as judges in this case, is not to allow the progress of a process towards a future debate if we cannot ensure -after having
heard in audience to the parties who wanted to participate-, that the independence and impartiality of the judges who preceded us in transcendental decisions of the case has not been undermined by undue interference of the national executive power of that moment. The decision adopted here is, if parallelism is allowed, the updated answer about what justice is and how we should exercise our role as guarantors of the National Constitution here and now.
In order to understand the specific function that we must fulfill in this procedural stage, it is pertinent to briefly review the criminal prosecution systems that brought us here and how we have arrived at the current institutional design.
Thus, for example, we can know that, in Greece at the time of Socrates and Plato, the trial system for public crimes was characterized by popular accusation, that is, any citizen could criminally prosecute the offender on behalf of of the people, since in the conception that power was held, it resided in citizen sovereignty and by reason of this same principle, the court that judged it was also popular. Faced with these characteristics, it goes without saying that the trial was oral, public, contradictory and continuous (see "Argentine Criminal Procedure Law" 1b Fundamentals, Julio B.J. Maier, - Ed. Hammurabi, 1989,
p. 29 et seq.). The same was the case in republican Rome since its "structure was essentially accusatory, due to the predominantly private character of the accusation and the consequent arbitral nature of both the judge and the trial. It is precisely of this private or polar nature - and in any voluntary case - of the criminal action from which derive, in the ordinary Roman process, the classic characteristics of the accusatory system, that is, the discretion of the action, the accusatory burden of proof, the nature of the process as a controversy based on the
equality of the parties, the attribution to them of all evidentiary activity and even the availability of evidence, the publicity and orality of the trial, the role of the arbitrator and spectator reserved for the judge, all the more so given its popular nature.
As is well known, the prosecution systems have then turned towards forms of inquisitive proceedings, which were developed precisely in imperial Rome with ex officio cases for delicta publica, in which a direct interest of the prince is considered offended and the injured party identifies with the state..." (see "Law and reason, Theory of penal guarantee" by Luigi Ferrajoli, Ed. Trotta, p. 565).
We thus arrive at the Middle Ages, where the conflict will arise between the feudal lords and the monarch, a bid that will lead to the creation of national states, where the king concentrates all the attributes of power including that of judging what is delegate in courts and officials organized hierarchically; From there arose the possibility of appealing the decisions of these lower officials, since, ultimately, the power to judge belonged to the king, and the complaint about the behavior of his officials had to reach him, in a sort of devolution of delegated power. .
As a sine qua non condition of this structure of the procedure and fundamentally of the judicial organization, the scriptural form was imposed on the orality, since the judges judged based on the written documents, the publicity of the hearings was replaced by the secrecy of the investigation to ensure its success and the defendant became a stone guest to his own criminal prosecution, suffering it, in most cases, deprived of his liberty and without the possibility of adequately exercising his defense to influence the decision .
This was the inquisitorial system that prevailed as a form of criminal prosecution between the centuries
XIII and XVIII.
Of course there were many Enlightenment voices that rose up against so much iniquity, irrationality and arbitrariness, from Montesquieu, Beccaria, Voltaire, Filangieri, even Rousseau himself.
As stated by Ferrajoli "... all Enlightenment thought was in agreement when denouncing the inhumanity of torture and the despotic nature of the inquisition, as well as in the rediscovery of the guarantee value of the accusatory tradition, received in the English system of the old Roman process. It was therefore natural that the French Revolution adopted -in the phase immediately after 1989- the adversarial system, based on popular action, the jury, contradictory trials, publicity and orality of the trial and the free conviction of the judge." (see. op. cit. p. 566).
It goes without saying that this cultural and political battle was not easy since arriving at the division of powers of the modern State was not easy. Fundamentally, as regards here, the independence of the judiciary should be ensured both for the magistracy as an order, vis-a-vis powers external to it and, in particular, the executive power, as well as for the magistrate as an individual, vis-à-vis powers or internal hierarchies of the organization itself, always in a position to interfere in some way with the autonomy of judgement.
Unsurprisingly, at the beginning of the 19th century the ideas of Enlightenment philosophers reached these parts of the world; fundamentally those of Montesquieu on the separation of the legislative, executive and judicial powers and the existence of checks and balances between them, were established as dogmas of liberal constitutionalism, being definitively reflected in the National Constitution of 1853. To realize this , just review its second part.
Thus, it is up to the National Congress to legislate (arts. 44, 75, 77 and concordant of the CN); to the President of the Argentine Nation to exercise the executive power being the political person in charge of the general administration of the country and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces (arts. 87, 99 and concordant) and to the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation and other courts inferiors exercise the judicial power (arts. 108, 116 and concordant).
Well delimited its spheres of government, the Magna Carta itself was in charge of prohibiting that a power arrogates the powers of the other or interferes in other people's affairs, trying to limit its arbitrary use and safeguard the freedom and rights of citizens, through the harmonious and balanced functioning of the functions through mutual control (cf. arts. 18, 23, 29, 53, 58, 59, 60, 61, 69, 70,
75, subsection 31, 76, 78, 80, 83, 85, 99 subsections 1, 3, 4,
16, 20, 101, 109).
This tripartition of State powers, acting independently but coordinated and reciprocally controlled, is the basis of our republican system of government (art. 1 of the CN). The Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation has described it by saying that each power "...within the limits of its competence, acts independently of the other two in terms of the opportunity and extent of the measures it adopts and the facts and circumstances that determine it" (Judgments 243:513). That is why it can be affirmed that the independence of the jurisdictional exercise is based on the political foundations of our state organization.
Now then, it is clear then that for the judicial bodies to fulfill the important function of judging the specific cases submitted to their examination, controlling the other powers of the State and at the same time being a guarantor of the delicate balance of harmonious functioning between them It is essential that they never receive directives or remain subordinate to
none of the organs of the other powers, neither administrative, nor political, nor economic, nor morally. The only possible external interference is the one strictly permitted as coordination and control by constitutional norms (see "Treatise on Criminal Procedure Law, volume 1", by Jorge A. Clariá Olmedo, Ed. Rubinzal-Culzoni, 2008, p. 265 and ss .).
This Cordovan jurist, like many other doctrinaires, considers the independence of the judiciary as an extension of the principle of the natural judge (art. 18 of the CN) and without it being the case to deal exhaustively with this principle here, we will only say that when a magistrate judges a case must be free to make his decision, that is, independent of all power, including the judicial power, submitting solely to the law.
To put it in the words of Julio Maier: "Except for the law that governs the case, it is prohibited to determine its decision by orders of any type and origin. Judicial independence resides in this -and nothing else." (see ob. cit. p. 480).
It is in this sense that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (art. 10); the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (art. 14, 1) and the American Convention on Human Rights (art. 8, 1) grant everyone the right to be tried by an independent and impartial tribunal.
To guarantee this independence, the National Constitution surrounds the judge with certain guarantees that prevent, or at least intends to prevent, interference from political powers, even, as we said, from the judicial power itself (art. 110 of the CN).
Of the possible interference of the political powers in the judiciary, the one that obviously worried the constituents the most was that of the executive power, a concern that many years before, in 1821, led General José de San Martín in the Preamble to the Provisional Statute of Peru, to express: "I
I will refrain from ever mixing in the solemn exercise of judicial functions, because their independence is the only true guarantee of the freedom of a people". (taken from the manual "Constitutional Law" by Pablo A. Ramella, third edition, updated , Ed. Depalma, 1986, p.791).
The shielding of the judiciary against other powers is part of the institutional design of the Argentine state. The National Constitution contains rules that protect this idea of independence: the stability of permanent judges (art. 110) the prohibition for the President of the Nation to exercise judicial functions, arrogating knowledge of pending cases or restoring deceased ones (art. 109 ) and the general duty of judges to adjust their decisions to the law of Congress.
Now, these norms protect the Judiciary against the other powers with which it shares the exercise of sovereignty, a necessary but not sufficient condition to guarantee the impartiality of each of the judges in each specific case in which they are called upon to resolve (see Maier, Julio B.J, "Criminal Procedural Law, I. Fundamentos, Julio B.J. Maier, - Editores del Puerto, 2004, p. 739 et seq.), since it is also possible to admit that this guarantee is very difficult to take care if the owner does not take care.
The specific relationship between the magistrate and the case submitted to his or her judgment must be guided by the greatest possible objectivity and that is what the doctrine describes as impartiality. This is called into question when it is suspected or feared that the judge is not sufficiently objective regarding the case that he has to judge and although the rules that abstractly regulate the grounds for suspicion of partiality are of public order, it does not allow if it is reasonable that those who feel affected by this fear can challenge the judge by invoking and demonstrating another reason that is not specifically legislated,
taking into account that they are the ones who will be compromised by the judicial decision.
A large part of the arguments have dealt with the existence of suspicions based on a hypothesis, brought before this Court by the Defenses: that in this case there was undue interference by the executive power over some members of the judiciary.
There are also other grievances referring to the partiality (or preference) that one of said magistrates would have shown, in relation to one of the private prosecutors, to such an extent that the Trial Prosecutor, in his role as head of the Vindicta Pública filed a criminal complaint for this to be investigated.
In this incidence, the existence of an interest of who was then President of the Nation, in the fate of this case and his aspiration to advance or more precisely, to reopen a process that was in progress, has been alleged. deceased. This circumstance is expressly prohibited by art. 109 of the National Constitution.
All these extremes are serious enough so that their in-depth analysis is unavoidable before considering the possibility of advancing towards the subsequent procedural stage, that is, the oral trial, since if proven, they generate an injury to the rights of the parties that invoke them, which would generate a grievance of insusceptible or delayed subsequent repair.
Let's move forward, then, in the examination of the facts and the evidence ventilated in this incident.
III. The arguments that the defenses have brought before this Court.
III.1. Hypothesis of defenses.
III.1.1 Factual basis.
Next, we will examine the hypothesis that, for the defending parties, should lead the Court to declare the nullity of all proceedings, at least as of December 29, 2016. Although the written submissions of the defenses, as well as their speeches at the hearing, differ in terms of their content, length and scope, common elements related to the factual platform emerge from all of them, for which reason we will present them together. Let's see.
a. Irregularities in the initial processing of this case noted by the defenses:
Synthetically, the defenses stated that on January 14, 2015 prosecutor Alberto Nisman filed a complaint against various members of the national government at that time. This presentation gave rise to case no. 777/2015, which was filed before the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 3, in charge of federal judge Daniel Rafecas.
Mauricio Macri, then still Head of Government of the City of Buenos Aires, gave a press conference in which he emphasized the importance of investigating that complaint. Then, during the electoral campaign prior to the election in which he was finally elected president, he repeated these arguments on several occasions, in such a way that there is no doubt that his interest in the subject, which he made public, was high.
On February 26, 2015 judge Rafecas closed that case – case no. 777/2015- "due to the absence of a crime". That decision was confirmed by the Federal Criminal and Correctional Court of Appeals.
On December 21, 2015 new criminal complaints were filed that, according to what the parties allege here, had substantial identity with the
cause no. 777/2015. These complaints gave rise to cases 14.305/2015 and 14.383/2015 which on March 1, 2016 were accumulated due to objective connection. In this case, Drs. Rúa and Peñafort -for the defense of
Hector
Timerman- filed fault plea
of
action
for violation of the constitutional principle
of
“ne bis in idem” which was rejected by Judge Bonadío and later by Chamber II of the Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber. For this reason, they filed an appeal that was lodged in Chamber IV of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation, made up of judges Hornos and Borinsky.
At the same time, in case no. 777/2015 the alleged complainant -DAIA- attempted to reopen the investigation, which was rejected by Judge Rafecas and confirmed by Chamber I of the Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber .
This pronouncement was appealed by the chamber prosecutor and the alleged complainant and was recorded in Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, integrated at the time also by judges Hornos and Borinsky, exercising subrogation.
Now, the defenses allege that there was a resolution of the, at that time, National Criminal Cassation Chamber (No. 65/2006) signed on May 18, 2006 by judges Eduardo Riggi, Guillermo Tragant, Angela Ledesma, Amelia Berraz de Vidal, Ana María Capolupo de Durañona y Vedia and Raúl Madueño together with co-judge Héctor Albarracin, in which a matter of jurisdiction was settled between Chamber II of said court, where the case known as AMIA was being processed, and the Room I, to which the process by which Carlos Antonio Castañeda was sentenced for stealing evidence related to the AMIA case had been raised. That Resolution no. 65/2006 was relevant to determine which Chamber should intervene in a process that was related to the investigation of the attack.
In it, it was resolved that Chamber II should intervene because there was objective connection and that the purpose of said extension of jurisdiction was the "fusion of all actions originating in the same context in a single process and is justified in order to ensure that there are no contradictory pronouncements”. It was also established that "criminal incriminations are somehow linked to each other, regardless of whether there is a relationship between the defendants, so that in these cases the law deems it convenient that a single court be involved in all cases, plus even when evidence emerging from one investigation may influence the other given the existing evidence community. For this reason, it is also taken into account that since the same court is the one that judges the context in which the theft of evidence occurred, it will be in a better position to carry out a comprehensive assessment of its evidentiary entity.
This criterion was validated to a certain extent by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation when rejecting appeals filed against denials of challenges in related cases such as, for example, CSJN, "Telleldín, Carlos Alberto s/ causa No 14.908", rta . 9/23/2018.
Based on the terms of the aforementioned resolution, the defenses understood that all the cases that were related to the attack on the AMIA headquarters and those in which crimes committed in its processing were investigated should be followed before Chamber II of the Chamber of Cassation. For this reason, judges Hornos and Borinsky were challenged.
In case no. 777/2015, judges Hornos and Borinsky were also challenged on November 4, 2016, who rejected it (November 14, 2016) with the following quote from the important decision of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation "Aparicio, Ana
Beatrice
and others
c/
IN
-CSJN-
Tip
of
the
Judge art.110 s/
employment
public
(CSJN)
1095/2008/CSJ1), sentence
of
4/21/2015:
“the
the integrity of spirit of the magistrates and the heightened awareness of their mission and the sense of responsibility that it is possible to demand of them, can place them above any suspicion of partiality”. Then, on December 2, 2016, they rejected in limine the extraordinary appeal filed against it, considering that the challenge filed was "insubstantial and manifestly dilatory."
Likewise, in the incident of lack of action formed in case no. 14,305/2015, on November 2, 2016, the members of Chamber IV were also challenged -among them, judges Hornos and Borinsky- and their removal was requested. On November 4, 2016, this challenge was rejected by the plenary session, stating that "it could not be admitted that (...) the defense could doubt the impartiality" "and the processing of the file must continue without further delay." Thus, on November 8, they also rejected the plea for lack of action attempted.
In this way, both judges continued to intervene in the processing of the only active case at that time, that is, case no. 14305/2015, in which a number of people were charged with the crime of "treason", while the private prosecutors continued their fight to seek the reopening of case no. 777/2015, initiated with the complaint by Dr. Nisman.
Thus, on December 29, 2016, that is, one day before the end of the subrogation that they temporarily exercised in Chamber I, both judges adopted transcendent decisions: they accepted the DAIA as a party in the process (legitimation that, up to that moment, the institution had not achieved); allowed the appeal deducted by the DAIA -now
yes, in his capacity as plaintiff- in the framework of case no. 777/2015 and, consequently, annulled the dismissal of the complaint that gave rise to this process decreed by Judge Rafecas, confirmed by the Federal Chamber and whose appeal had been abandoned by the Prosecutor before said instance; they removed all the judges who had adopted that temperament and ordered the referral of the case to a new magistrate for its continuation. The next day, President Macri publicly congratulated them, mentioning them by name and surname.
Then, the investigation of both cases was unified and was finally settled in the Court of Judge Bonadío1, who prosecuted all those accused here, and ordered the preventive detention of several of them (Cristina Fernández de Kirchner -measure that was not carefully executed the result of the impeachment process-, Carlos Alberto Zaninni, Héctor Marcos Timerman, Jorge Alberto Khalil, Fernando Luis Esteche and Luis Ángel D'Elia). Said decision was first confirmed by Chamber II of the Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber, applying the so-called “Irurzun Doctrine”. And then, also, by the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation, again with the vote of judges Hornos and Borinsky but now in their role as members of Chamber IV, to which they belonged (resolution of 03/08/2018 in court appeal file No. 40).
1 The criterion in this case was also peculiar: although cause no. 777/2015, after the dismissal of Judge Rafecas had been filed before Judge Lijo, Judge Bonadío, in charge of the investigation in case 14305/2015, claimed his inhibitory, that that rejection, locking the competition dispute between them. Thus it was that the Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber resolved that it was appropriate for Judge Bonadío to continue investigating in both cases, understanding (although this was not manifestly expressed in the operative part of the order that rejected the inhibition), that It clearly emerged from the proceedings that the disputing magistrates agreed that the proceedings were related, although both claimed jurisdiction. Then, the Chamber resolved that it was appropriate "that the magistrate who first met" in the events be the one who continued with his investigation, that is, Judge Bonadío, without clarifying how or why case 14305 was, in his opinion, older. that the no. 777.
The vicissitudes of the case do not end there, since once the investigation was concluded, and its elevation to trial required, the corresponding lottery determined its assignment to the Federal Criminal Oral Court No. 9, whose controversial creation culminated in its dissolution by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, in harsh terms (see Agreed No. 4/2018).
b. Meetings between judges Hornos and Borinsky with the president at the time, Mauricio Macri.
In the month of February 2021, it was made public that Judge Hornos visited the government house on the following days: 12/22/2015, 5/5/2016, 8/8/2016 , 10/31/2017, 11/16/2017 and 8/13/2018. These visits or income were personally authorized by the President of the Republic, Mauricio Macri, according to the records published by the Poder Ciudadano organization.
Later, in April 2021, based on journalistic reports, it was learned that Judge Hornos had also entered the Quinta de Olivos on 11/9/2016 and 8/ 3/2017.
In relation to Judge Borinsky, it was also learned that he had visited Quinta de Olivos on: 8/11/2016, 8/24/2016, 9/7/2016, 9/15/2016, 6/ 10/2016, 12/23/2016, 3/16/2017, 12/21/2017,
2/8/2018, 12/9/2018, 14/2/2019, 20/6/2019, 15/8/2019,
9/4/2019 and 9/23/2019.
What the defenses allege is that several of those meetings between judges Hornos and Borinsky with President Macri (specifically, those on 11/9/2016, 10/6/2016 and 12/23/2016), they keep what they called "a suggestive chronological relationship with important decisions that were issued by those same judges" and that were already mentioned in the previous section.
In relation to the visits, there are other relevant facts. Thus, in the face of repeated administrative and judicial claims from the "Poder Ciudadano" organization, in 2019 the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Nation gave them a list that only mentioned the names of people who had entered the residence. President of Olivos, without specifying any other information. This year, it was revealed that said list suffered from omissions referring to several people who had visited Quinta de Olivos between 2016 and 2018; among them, judges Hornos and Borinsky.
These visits were, from the perspective of the defenses, “hidden” by Judge Hornos when deciding the recusal motion addressed to him in case 4943/2016 (known as “Oil Combustibles”), in the that the issuance of official letters had been requested in order to verify, precisely, if the magistrate registered income to the Quinta de Olivos or to the Government House, a request that was rejected "in limine", as was the required proof, by the judge himself. Judge Hornos (June 11, 2018), with the dissent of Judge Ana María Figueroa.
The defenses also allege the existence of a relationship between one of the judges –in this case Mariano Borinsky- and the person who was in command of the National Executive Power, based on the information that emerges from case no. 14,149/2020, of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 8, in which it was verified that the private secretary of former President Macri, Darío Nieto, had the following entry on his phone dated November 1, 2018: “ Talk to Borinsky. Subject complaint, administrative and criminal ".
c. The links of the DAIA complaint with the National Executive Branch and with one of the judges who intervened in the case.
The defenses also maintain that there were, during the processing of this process, meetings between one of the complaining parties and the President at that time, Mauricio Macri, in order to discuss the present case. They support this assertion based on documentary evidence, specifically provided on November 10, 2016 by the president of the DAIA referring to the board meetings of that entity. They support this section of the factual hypothesis in the minutes of the Board of Directors of DAIA no. 165 of June 27, 2016, where the ratification of the decision linked to that organization appearing as a complainant in two cases, in 777/2015 and in 14305/2015, is recorded. In addition, it emerges from that document that Santiago Kaplun announced that the organization had met with President Mauricio Macri and that, according to the agenda, among the issues discussed was the "Memorandum with Iran."
The defense headed by Dr. Beraldi considered important the complaint published by the portal "El rocket a la luna" according to which judge Mariano Borinsky had advised the DAIA regarding the reopening of the case and that, to For this, he would have met with the pro-treasurer of the DAIA, Daniel Belinki, and the general secretary, Santiago Kaplún. The latter, at the time, turned out to be the partner of Ramiro Rubinska, brother-in-law of Judge Borinsky, since both married two sisters.
Although the Court did not admit the receipt of testimonial statements in this regard, despite having been requested, it should be clarified that the Trial Prosecutor, Dr. Marcelo Colombo, filed a complaint in this regard, which is in full procedure.
d. Other cases brought against ex members of the Cristina Fernández government:
In parallel to the processing of this case, several cases were initiated against Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, and other members of her government, namely:
-Cause no. 12152/2015 (cause known as “Dólar Futuro”): this case was initiated in 2015 by a complaint from legislators Mario Negri and Federico Pinedo and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Axel Kiciloff (who was minister of economy) were prosecuted. , Alejandro Vanoli (who served as President of the Central Bank) and the directors of the Central Bank as co-authors of the crime of fraudulent administration to the detriment of the public administration, with their assets seized and their patrimonial accounts inhibited.
-Cause 5048/2016 (known as "Roads") initiated in 2016 by a complaint by the National Director of Highways, Javier Iguacel, who later became Minister of Energy, during the government of Mauricio Macri. Angelina Abbona and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, as well as other members of the government, were prosecuted for fraudulent administration to the detriment of the public administration.
-Causes 11,352/2014 (known as “Hotesur”) and 3732/2016 (known as “Los Sauces”). These processes were initiated by complaints from Margarita Stolbizer and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, members of her family and her government were prosecuted for the crime of money laundering.
-Case 9608/2018 (known as “Notebooks”) in which Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, members of her family and her government are being investigated for alleged bribery payments.
-Case 3017/2013 (known as “The money route K”) in which Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and other members of her government were investigated for concealment and asset laundering.
In all causes, except the no. 3017, the investigation was in charge of judges Claudio Bonadío and Julián Ercolini, and judges Hornos and Borinsky intervened as judges of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation.
By virtue of the foregoing, the hypothesis of the defenses is:
That judges Hornos and Borinsky would not have been independent for having accepted interference from the National Executive Power, in violation of the constitutional rule that prohibits such interference. Nor would they have been impartial (at least Judge Borinsky, given the alleged links he had with one of the parties) when adopting, at least, the decision of December 29, 2016.
The defenses infer a violation of constitutional precepts from the fact of the meetings, prior to the issuance of said resolutions, with former President Mauricio Macri, who had a special interest, which he made public, in the progress of this process, followed against his main political adversary, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. In addition, the Defenses affirm that there are elements to think that Judge Mariano Borinsky would have held some kind of "preparatory meeting" with the DAIA, providing supposed advice to achieve success in said reopening.
Thus, the defenses understood that those judges should have already excused themselves in their first interventions in this process (appeal of the complainant in case no. 777/2015 and
recourse of the defenses in the nullity incident no. 4 of cause no. 14,305/2015) and, by virtue of this and given the information that is available today, which on that occasion not only was not brought to the attention of the parties but was hidden, some of the defense attorneys present here claimed to suffer "more than fear of partiality, terror of partiality” (cfr. Address by Dr. Aníbal Ibarra, i.a). This lack of impartiality of the judges, in the opinion of the defenses, is what would explain the strange course followed from the beginning by this process, while the evidence recently obtained would corroborate their suspicions and fears, referring to being tried by judges who they were not independent and impartial.
Now, as has been said, the defenses derive from this serious procedural grievances that would render the process null and void, for which reason it is appropriate to focus on its examination.
III.2. Defenses Grievances:
It is alleged that the behavior of judges Hornos and Borinsky during the processing of this case, which has its core in the meetings that they would have had with members of the Executive Branch and with one of the accusing parties -regardless of which was the real reason for which such meetings were held-determines, for any external observer, a real and objective fear of insurmountable partiality.
Preliminarily, defenses have consistently argued that two consequences
-unrelated to this incident- would be derived from the facts invoked.
First of all, as they stated in the oral hearings, they maintained that if judicial aspects were dealt with in the aforementioned meetings
specific to this case, not only should its annulment be declared, but this would entail an institutional seriousness of such magnitude that it could even configure the crimes of abuse of authority, violation of the duties of a public official, illegal deprivation of liberty and prevarication of judges” (from Dr. Beraldi's writing “Promote Incident of Nullity”).
Secondly, even if this were not the case and these meetings had taken place, as both magistrates publicly affirm, for social or sporting reasons, their conduct could constitute "gross violations of the rules of decorum that all magistrates must maintain, capable of being examined by the Council of the Nation's Magistracy” (from the letter of Dr. Beraldi cited ut supra).
Beyond the conclusions that the defenses draw on their own, and without prejudice to this, regarding the object of this incidence, the parties that filed the annulment consider that the serious affectation to the constitutional guarantee of the natural judge, who rests on the essential conditions of independence and impartiality, means that the validity of the actions of the aforementioned judges Hornos and Borinsky in the present case cannot be maintained. This is, in short, what must be evaluated.
In order to do so, they start from the analysis of the content of the right to be tried by independent and impartial judges (arts. 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 26.2 of the American Declaration of Human Rights, 8.1 of the American Convention on Human Rights, Rights and 14.1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) and the interpretation of its scope made by international human rights courts (for example, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights).
Humans, Case of Apitz Barbera et al. Venezuela, and European Court of Human Rights, Cases of Cubber v. Belgium and Delcourt v. Belgium, among others) and enforcement bodies (for example, the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct of the United Nations Economic and Social Council). They conclude that, in the specific case, its violation is configured and that, consequently, it is appropriate to declare the nullity of the aforementioned resolutions; that is, those dictated on November 8 and especially, that of
December 29, 2016.
They continue their analysis by referring to the fact that, because they are violations of rules that are linked to the specific capacity of judges to act impartially in relation to the protagonists, and to the content and procedure of the process, two consequences would occur. : on the one hand, the vice that falls on the activity of the judge is projected in the decisions that he adopts during the processing of the cause, either when he acts individually or collaborates to reach a decision when it comes to collegiate courts and , on the other, the nullity that is configured is of an absolute nature, in the terms provided by art. 168, second paragraph, C.P.P.N., reason for which it must be declared ex officio, at any stage or degree of the process and it is irremediable, since it is a violation of constitutional and conventional norms closely linked to the guarantees of the inviolability of the defense in court, and the right to due process.
In addition, by application of the theory of implicit annulments, which includes those cases in which the defect comes from the struggle with a non-specific procedural regulation or with the whole procedural regime taken as a system, and understanding that the damage in this particular case exceeds the interest of the party and its effects
They are projected beyond the case and the conflicting interests, affecting the entire community, they understand that the declaration of nullity does not even require initiative on the part of the party and can be declared ex officio and at any stage of the process.
For all these reasons, the following consequences are derived from the nullity of the aforementioned resolutions:
-annulment of all proceedings in the framework of case no. 14,305/2015 (and its accumulated no. 14,383/2015) from its inception until May 30, 2017, when it accumulates to cause no. 777/2015, by application of the provisions of art. 172, second paragraph, C.P.P.N.: "by declaring nullity, the court will also establish which previous or contemporary acts it reaches by connection with the null act." This is because if such decisions had not been issued, the dismissal of the complaint filed in case no. 777/2015 would have remained in force and case no. 14,305/2015, after being accumulated to the first process for connection, the same fate would have followed.
-nullity of all proceedings as of May 30, 2017 within the framework of the process that will be unified under no. 14,305/2015, by application of the rule called by the doctrine "fruit of the poisoned tree" that extends the invalidity of the decisions referred to to all subsequent acts of the process that are its consequence and that is contained in art. 172, C.P.P.N.: "the nullity of an act, when declared, will nullify all consecutive acts that depend on it."
Consequently, the applicants understand that only Judge Rafecas' resolution would remain valid, ratified by Chamber I of the Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber, which dismissed the complaint filed by prosecutor Nisman for the manifest inexistence of a crime that, for not existing
Promotion of the action by its owner (by virtue of the withdrawal of the appeal by the court prosecutor Javier De Luca), is firm.
In short, what they are requesting is that the dismissal be declared with respect to all the accused persons, expressly mentioning that the formation of this case in no way affected their good name and honor (art. 336, sub.3, and final paragraph, C.P.P.N.). Said mention, they requested that it also reach Héctor Timerman, with respect to whom the criminal action was extinguished due to death (art.441, C.P.P.N.).
This solution, they understand, corresponds to the guarantee of being judged within a reasonable time provided for in art. 7.5, ACHR, and collected by the Supreme Court of Justice in its jurisprudence from the "Mattei" ruling.
On the contrary, in the event of an annulment being declared and the proceedings returned to the original instance, the pronouncement would be deprived of its final nature and, consequently, the recursive power of those who disagreed with said decision would be limited. , by virtue of what is established in art. 457, C.P.P.N.
However, to the factual platform alleged by the defenses detailed in the previous section, the private accusing parties and the Attorney General Marcelo Colombo, assign an essentially different meaning and maintain that the grievances presented here are not configured, therefore, in In essence, they consider that it has been a set of isolated facts that should not be read in a basting way. Therefore, they postulate that the court does not accept the request for annulment. In the following section, these claims will be examined.
IV. The perspective of complaints.
Prior to studying their arguments, it should be clarified that neither the DAIA complaint nor that of Luis Czyzewsky and Mario Averbuch were present at the hearings; However, they made their opinion known in this incident by means of separate writings, when they received a transfer of the presentations of their counterparts. Therefore, it is up to us to focus on their arguments as well.
On the one hand, the lawyers Tomás Farini Duggan and Juan José Ávila, attorneys for the complainants Luis Czyzewsky and Mario Averbuch, stated, regarding the allegations related to the meetings that judges Hornos and Borinsky would have held with President Macri in Government House and the Olivos Presidential Residence that were made known in the media, that the information publicly disseminated had no impact on the present proceeding, despite the efforts of the defense "to generate suspicions around to a 'judicial table' interested in the progress of the processes against Kirchnerism, among other theoretical musings”.
In addition, they understood that the petitioned annulment could not prosper for various reasons.
First of all, they understood that, if there were questions regarding the independence and impartiality of judges Hornos and Borinsky, then the claim should have been channeled under the terms of art. 55, C.P.P.N., which at this time of the process was not possible because the term imposed by art. 60, C.P.P.N., and because this court could not rule on the recusal of members of a "higher court."
On the other hand, they maintained that the mere existence of meetings between judges Hornos and Borinsky and President Macri is not sufficient reason to doubt the impartiality of the magistrates given
that the latter is not a party to the process or an "interested party", under the terms of art. 56, C.P.P.N.
Likewise, the plaintiffs did not find any evidence to support the existence of a request, pressure, or suggestion by President Macri for the judges to rule in this case in a manner other than that indicated by his good conscience.
Finally, based on the jurisprudence on the requirements for a declaration of nullity to proceed, they postulated the rejection of the defense request due to the non-existence of a grievance. In this sense, they argued that "the proposals for annulment must be due to a specific damage that has materialized as a result of the procedural act declared void."
For its part, the DAIA, through its current president, Jorge Knoblovits, together with its sponsoring lawyer, the lawyer Gabriel Camiser, expressed their disagreement with the hypothesis put forward by the defenses.
First of all, they understood that the defenses did not explain or adduce any specific lien or effective damage due to the “simple fact” that the resolution of December 29, 2016 ordered the continuation of the proceedings, nor regarding of what was resolved by the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation on November 8, 2016.
Secondly, they revealed the extemporaneity of the proposal in accordance with the provisions of art. 170, inc. 1, C.P.P.N. They argued that the term of summons to trial limited the attempts of the defenses in relation to the filing of motions for annulment for events that occurred during the investigation.
In addition, they highlighted that the ruling handed down on
December 29, 2016, it was approved unanimously, with the concurring vote of Judge Figueroa.
They dismissed as “false” that Judge Borinsky had advised the DAIA in this case and argued that this allegation was only supported by alleged journalistic reports but not by evidence. They also considered inconsequential, for the purposes of a possible declaration of nullity, the visits by judges Hornos and Borinsky to President Macri, not only because he was not part of the present process but also because this case was not initiated by a complaint filed by members of the political party to which he belongs nor was it promoted by any State body, unlike what happened in other cases against Cristina Fernández de Kirchner or other officials of her government.
Lastly, they considered that the court should reject the request for dismissal, even in the case of declaring the annulment requested by the defenses. This is because they understood that the oral trial could have been reached through case 14305/2015 regardless of what was resolved on December 29, 2016 in case 777/2015.
V. The position of the Public Prosecutor's Office
In his speech on August 18, prosecutor Colombo argued that, based on the evidence gathered in the incident, the declaration of nullity for violation of the guarantee of due process due to the impartial judge's guarantee was affected “ early".
Nevertheless, it did not accompany the complaints in their objections regarding the lack of competence of this Court to decide on the validity or nullity of a decision issued by the Federal Chamber
of Criminal Cassation (which, according to the complaints, would be our "superior"), while the criticized resolution is still "an act of the process" and, as such, is subject to the same scrutiny of legality than any other, without there being any legal rule that prohibits it.
Regarding the jurisprudence in which it is said that "in principle" it is not possible to declare the annulment of decisions of the Chamber of Cassation, he expressed that the meaning that corresponded to give to that affirmation was that the questioning of the resolutions of that Chamber It had to be done through an extraordinary appeal. Consequently, it was not applicable to the case in question since a supervening annulment was being discussed here, which did not exist -or was not known- on the date of the questioned decision.
In the first place, he referred to some issues introduced by the defenses that he considered "not novel" and that are related to the objections to the participation of judges Hornos and Borinsky in the present process based, on the one hand, on in which these magistrates had previously excused themselves in proceedings related to or linked to the case in which the attack on the AMIA headquarters is being investigated and, on the other hand, in the plenary resolution of 2006 from which the defenses derive that the chamber II of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation would be a "sort of jurisdiction" for all causes related to the attack on the AMIA headquarters.
At this point, prosecutor Colombo concluded that, on both occasions, the resolutions were adopted unanimously: in one case, together with Dr. Figueroa and in the other, together with Dr. Gemignani. He also clarified that in the "Ribelli" case (in which the attack against the AMIA headquarters is being investigated) the magistrates had excused themselves from intervening due to their previous intervention, one as a prosecutor - Judge Hornos - and another because of his relationship with one of the parties
-Judge Borinsky. He considered that this information was relevant since neither the present case nor, according to a certification that he mentioned, the case that had the purpose of declaring the Memorandum with Iran unconstitutional had been declared related to it.
Regarding the resolution of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation, which the defense parties referred to as “plenary”, prosecutor Colombo maintained that it was not an agreed one but a resolution in which the judges resolved a matter of competence and that, in no way, could it be deduced from its terms that all cases that had some kind of connection with the investigation of the attack on the AMIA headquarters should be processed before Chamber II of said court.
Finally, he referred to the resolution issued by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation in this file on March 22, 2018, in which the complaint appeal filed by the defense of Héctor Timerman was dismissed (as a consequence of the rejection of the extraordinary appeal filed against the aforementioned resolution of December 29, 2016) on the grounds that it had been filed against a resolution that was not definitive.
Prosecutor Colombo understood that since the highest court had already ruled, this federal court could not review that decision based on the same arguments.
For the Prosecutor, on the other hand, the court would be empowered to review it based on other issues, which he called "new." They are related to the "presidential visits", on the one hand, and to what was published by the media outlet "The Rocket to the Moon" regarding the fact that Judge Borinsky had contact and advised one of the parties in this file, on the other.
Regarding the visits, although he agreed with the defenses on the importance of guaranteeing the judge's impartiality, he disagreed as to the effects assigned to them, namely: that the visits demonstrated a supposed agreement between the government of Mauricio Macri and the judiciary to carry out a "judicial persecution" of the members of the government of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and that, in themselves, accredited a well-founded fear of partiality.
This is so, because for an annulment to take place due to violation of the guarantee of an impartial judge, there must be an undue connection between the judges and the object of the process or its interveners.
Regarding the object, he analyzed in detail the evidence gathered in relation to the visits of judges Hornos and Borinsky to the Government House and the Quinta de Olivos. From this analysis, he extracted that the visits occurred during the four years that the Macri government lasted and that, although some dates were close to others in which key decisions were issued in the present case, many others were not and, fundamentally, it was not possible to prove the reason or the content of said visits. At this point, some of them were apparently related to sports activities, but others to "conventions" that were also attended by other people and, in his opinion, this had not been proven to be false.
He also referred to the evidence sent by the Judicial Council: folder 23/2021 in which the request for impeachment against Judge Hornos is aired, from which the only thing that could be extracted was a certain temporal proximity between the visits and some resolutions in proceedings against the former president, but there was by no means certainty regarding the reasons for those meetings, enough to adopt a decision as important as the one here
it was persecuted. Lastly, he added, said disciplinary file did not register significant advances.
In the same sense, the records of the case known as “Judicial Board M” did not provide information that would allow the judges to prove spurious contact with the purpose of the case. Thus, regarding the annotation on Dario Nieto's cell phone, he assessed that it lacked significance since it was not clear in its content and the date
-11/1/2018- It was two years after the resolution attacked here.
Finally, and regarding President Macri's public congratulations to judges Hornos and Borinsky after the reopening of this case, he considered it demonstrative of a poor institutional quality, but he maintained that this did not allow us to infer that the visits had had place because of Mauricio Macri's meetings with the judges on this issue.
On the other hand, regarding the participants, that is, subjective impartiality, he emphasized that judges Hornos and Borinsky did not meet with a person who was part of the process or interested in the terms of art. 56, C.P.P.N. He understood that, although the "Llerena" ruling authorized an extensive interpretation of the grounds set forth in art. 55 of the code of rite, said interpretation could not be extended to the persons contemplated in art. 56.
As a basis for this interpretation, he cited the opinion of the Ibero-American Commission on Judicial Ethics, also referenced by the defenses, insofar as all the behaviors considered there as biased are in relation to the parties to the process.
Regarding the meaning that could be given to the “fear of partiality”, to which he related
directly with the doctrine of the “Llerena” ruling, which, in turn, was based on the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights on the subject, prosecutor Colombo stated that it could only be verified with respect to “objective facts of the process”. Based on the opinion of the Attorney General in the “Zenzerovich” ruling (precedent of “Llerena”), he argued that the fear of partiality should be related to an objective defect in the process and not to a personal quality of the judge. In the event of an objective defect, he understood that the existence of a reasonable suspicion was enough for its verification, but, he pointed out, there was a substantial difference between the interpretation of the doctrine and the jurisprudence on the fear of partiality and what was argued here by the defenses.
He added that, also based on doctrine and jurisprudence, the subjective impartiality test required demonstrating that the judge, in the specific case, and before the trial, had been biased (presumption of impartiality).
To close his argument on the point, citing the "Telleldín" ruling, he maintained that the existence of a connection between the alleged defect and the damage had to be demonstrated, which was not the case here, for which reason way of seeing it corresponded not to make room for nullity.
Finally, in relation to the investigation of Judge Borinsky by the media outlet “El rockete a la luna”, it reported that, since it was able to verify that the facts denounced therein were not part of any of the cases related to the “judicial table ”, that same day he had filed a complaint against the magistrate before the Federal Court of Appeals, for the purpose of investigating the possible commission of a crime of public action referred to those facts.
VI. Evidence assessment.
According to the survey carried out in the previous sections, the centrality of the grievances expressed in this incident, which gave rise to the holding of this hearing, lies in the fact that the accused parties consider that there are compelling elements to question. trial the independence and impartiality of judges Hornos and Borinsky.
VI. 1. Background. Disqualifications, inhibitions and previous proposals regarding judges Hornos and Borinsky.
The defenses allude in the first place to resolutions by which they considered that the aforementioned judges should not act in this case, to which is added that they had already been challenged on more than one occasion, a departure that had always been rejected, thanks to which they continued hearing and issuing their opinions in various resolutions of this process. The lawyers also say that Drs. Hornos and Borinsky intervened reviewing resolutions relapsed in all contemporary cases where the Vice President of the Nation is or was charged.
It should be noted then that a resolution was added as evidence by which the defenses could reasonably presume that the judges questioned here would not intervene in these proceedings. In the resolution of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation no. 65/2006, facing a conflict of negative jurisdiction between Chambers I and II for a cause that was related to the attack on the AMIA (more precisely, the one in which Carlos Antonio Castañeda was sentenced for stealing elements intended to serve as evidence) The Federal Chamber of Cassation said that the extension of the objective connection had the purpose of "merging all the actions originated in the same context to avoid contradictory pronouncements." because of it
He understood that it was Chamber II, which was involved in the so-called “A.M.I.A case” that should also deal with that cover-up.
Contrary to what Mr. Prosecutor said regarding this point, it is true that, both in the case of the case against Castañeda and in the present, the objective connection would be given by assumptions that have been considered as "concealment ” of the attack (with the exception that in the first case there was already a conviction and in the present case that accusation constitutes the hypothesis outlined by the Federal Chamber when validating the prosecutions, and by the Public Prosecutor's Office when requesting their elevation to trial). It can be argued that, even though the argument of the defenses is not unreasonable, even so, this element, alone, could in no way give rise to a nullity such as the one that is requested here. Let us see, then, the remaining arguments that have been presented.
Added to this case is resolution 2116/2013 of Chamber IV in the framework of the case "Fleing, Victoria s/queja" in which both judge Gustavo Hornos and judge Mariano Borinsky had refrained from intervening . In what matters here, in the case of the latter, the inhibition was accepted for reasons of decorum and delicacy, considering the relationship that the judge kept and keeps with Dr. Ramiro Rubinska (at the time his brother-in-law), private defender of the defendant in said process, Victoria Fleing.
Although in the framework of the present proceedings the aforementioned Rubinska did not fulfill a specific procedural role, the truth is that he happened to be the partner of Santiago Kaplun, at that time general secretary of the DAIA. This circumstance determined the defenses to think that, for the same reasons invoked on that occasion (of decorum and delicacy), those magistrates would also depart from
the present actions, which nevertheless did not happen and what they have been offending.
Now, there is no doubt that the defenses had already raised, prior to this annulment, but without success, their objections regarding the actions of the judges in question, under the opportune garb of challenges in the cases 777 /2015 and 14305/2015, which are detailed below. At that time, of course, they did not have the elements that are now known and have been brought before this Court as evidence. As has been established, the defenses, for some reason harbored suspicions about some kind of interference by the National Executive Power over some members of the National Judicial Power, which even determined some of them to file these complaints before international organizations, which gave place to the report of the Rapporteur of the United Nations, García Sayán, on which I will issue later.
At the same time, other similar ones were also filed in case 4943/2016 (“Oil Combustibles”), where they also requested the production of evidence in this same and exact sense (verify “the existence of visits by these same judges to the Casa Rosada"), which was denied.
Well, it is appropriate to examine in a little more detail what the specific argument of Héctor Timerman's defense consisted of at that time -that is, in the first intervention of the questioned judges a month and a half before the resolution of the case.
December 29, 2016- and how it is relevant for questioning the validity of the decisions adopted.
The first challenge, within the framework of this process, is the one that was effectively filed by the defense of Héctor Timerman when “incident 4” of case Nr.14305/2015 was raised to Chamber IV. The reasons were linked to the fact that Chamber I should intervene, given
that he had already done so previously in case nr. 777/2015, and also both magistrates had refrained from intervening in other cases related to the attack on the AMIA headquarters.
As is known, this recusal was rejected in limine by the aforementioned, based on two reasons: (a) a jurisdictional resolution had not been issued that declared the connection between this case (14305/2015) and 777/2075 (which happened very shortly after). The alleged factual identity in the object of both files was the subject of the appeal that motivated the intervention of that court, and should be analyzed in due course, (b) the excuses or challenges of the magistrates in the framework of other files related to the The attack on the AMIA headquarters was not appropriate either, given that no judicial resolution had been issued to determine the connection between those actions and those causes, under the terms of 1os arts. 40 and 4l of the C. P. P. N. Specifically, they did so with these words: "it cannot be admitted that, given the circumstances outlined, the defense could doubt the impartiality of this Court" (resolution of November 4, 2016).
The second recusal took place in case no. 777/2015 and was also promoted by the defense of Héctor Timerman. The reasons were identical to those previously stated, that is, they were once again related to the fact that both magistrates had refrained from intervening in other cases related to the attack on the AMIA headquarters. On that occasion, judges Hornos and Borinsky, as members of Chamber I, and with reference to the resolution of November 4, 2016 outlined in the previous paragraph, also rejected the proposal in limine, on November 14, 2016.
The reasons why the aforementioned judges had withdrawn or inhibited from acting in
Causes related to the AMIA attack and which were later the grounds for the recusals can be read in some resolutions that, given the time that has elapsed, we must remember:
On May 2, 2012, Judge Gustavo M. Hornos had informed in case 13767 “Ribelli s/ cassation appeal” the circumstances that should lead to his "abstention" in "the cases related to the criminal terrorist attack on the headquarters of the AMIA and the DAIA and with respect to the processes in which crimes committed in their processing are investigated". He affirmed on that occasion that, on the one hand, he had had some intervention as Prosecutor, but that in addition, Chamber II, III and the Plenary of that body had already made room for excuses requested by him in the case labeled "Castañeda, Carlos Antonio s/ recurso of appeal” that was closely linked to the “AMIA” case. On August 16, 2012, said excuse was accepted.
On March 22, 2013, Judge Mariano H. Borinsky appeared in file 13767 and stated that "from the certification of the proceedings, I observe that due to the procedural object investigated in this case, there is a link with the file No. 9789/00 entitled "Galeano Juan José and others regarding embezzlement of funds", in which various incidents have been substantiated that are being processed before that Chamber in a related manner" and for warning "that some of the parties that make up that process , are also constituted as procedural subjects in the present, reason that also reinforces the link between both files", for reasons of decorum and delicacy and in order to try to strengthen the confidence of the parties in the process of the administration of justice, put for the consideration of his colleagues to determine if he should intervene in the proceedings.This excuse was accepted on April 8, 2013.
By the way, in case CFP 3184/2013/CFC1 "Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina s/amparo" (in which the constitutionality of the Memorandum was discussed, which turns out to be the fundamental piece of the accusation's hypothesis in the present proceedings) Just a few months before the aforementioned challenges, a report was issued stating that judges David, Slokar, Hornos, Catucci, Borinsky and Riggi could not act in cases related to or linked to case CFP 5624/1996/T01 /CFC1 for having accepted their challenges or excuses.
The connection of cases 777/2015 and 14305/2015 was, in effect, declared a few months later. Let us remember that, once the jurisdiction dispute between judges Lijo and Bonadío was closed, the Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber resolved that it was appropriate for the second of those named to continue investigating in both cases, given that both disputing magistrates (since each one attributed to itself the competition), they agreed anyway that the proceedings were related.
At the same time, the connection of the AMIA case with the claim of unconstitutionality of the "Memorandum of Understanding on issues related to the terrorist attack on the AMIA headquarters in Buenos Aires on July 18, 1994" which was sealed after having resolved to keep its analysis in the orbit of federal judge Rodolfo Canicoba Corral, in charge of the investigation of the attack that occurred on July 18, 1994 in the Israeli mutual (cfr. CSJN "Competition No. 592. XLIX Association Israelite Argentina (AMIA) and others under Law 16,986", resolved on 10/15/2013).
Thus, the argument put forward by the Prosecutor, Dr. Marcelo Colombo, about the lack of a declaration of formal connection under the terms of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation, in addition to
relying on a rigorism that does not help to clear up the issue, overlooks the fact that all the resolutions –even those of the challenged judges themselves and the aforementioned plenary agreement- use the terms "connections" and "links" interchangeably, like the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation that also refers to "linkage".
From everything said so far, it could be said that the defenses had good reasons to consider that judges Hornos and Borinsky should not intervene and that the cases related to the “Memorandum” were related, were “linked” or related to each other. yes (which was indeed formally declared later) and, in turn, with the "AMIA" case. It is even understandable that they found it striking that only in this case, that relationship between the aforementioned files –whatever the nomen iuris they want to put on it, has been unknown, to later reject the aforementioned challenges. In short, to be in a position to resolve the appeal that was pending and that gave rise to the declaration of December 29, 2016. In fact, even today some of the Defenses are hurt by the harsh terms in which the judges, posts under examination today, they expressed themselves at that time, considering that the objection filed was "insubstantial and manifestly dilatory" (resolution of November 14, 2016), when the visits that are known today had come to light at that time, it is to suppose that everything would have been developed by another cable car.
The decision that has been most harshly questioned here, in short, is the one handed down on December 29, 2016, one day before those appointed were to leave the surrogacy they had been performing in Room I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber. This decision restored a case (Nr. 777/15) that, at that time, was dead
and, furthermore, without the impulse of the Public Ministry as a result of the decision of the Chamber Prosecutor, Javier de Luca, not to uphold the appeal. At that time, the case did not have an admitted or legitimized private accuser either, since the DAIA had not been accepted as such in case no. 777/2015, which is, in summary, the focus of the conflict.
In parallel, it is worth remembering, case 14305/2015 was being processed, which was not processed for the crime of concealment but for a resonant one and which entailed very high penalties, which in a certain way made it possible to order several preventive prisons: the accusation of "treason against the homeland", which was later ruled out both by the Federal Chamber itself and by the Public Prosecutor's Office when requiring the elevation to trial.
In said case, two relatives of victims who died in the AMIA attack (Complaint No. 1 of these proceedings) were admitted as private prosecutors, but not the DAIA, which was unable, at that time, to comply with the legal requirements that the examining magistrate requested (at that time, the presentation of the special judicial power to stand trial, as required by the corresponding regulations). This statement is relevant, since from the beginning of this case it has been possible to hear, as a fact that some did not stop calling their attention, that other organizations that bring together the families of the victims (Memoria Activa; 18J; Apemia) did not decide to accompany the company of wanting to be a plaintiff, despite their indisputable and relentless struggle, in all national and international instances and jurisdictions, seeking and demanding Truth and Justice from the outset, as the Amicus Curiae has mentioned in this hearing. "Argentine Jewish Appeal", to whose speech I refer in honor of brevity.
This resolution was projected to subsequent events of enormous procedural significance in which once again the questioned judges intervened, but this time, as members of Chamber IV. Thus, in the framework of case no. 14305/2015, more precisely the
January 11, 2018, the Federal Court of Appeals upheld the appeals filed by the defenses against the decision confirming the prosecution, in many cases with preventive detention, of: Fernández Kirchner, Timerman, Zannini, Zuain, Abbona, Parrili and Mena. Thus, after an initial and brief intervention by the Fair Room (which later decided not to set it up), on February 7, 2018 the parties were informed that Room IV would intervene (pages 910 of the appeal file).
Against this, the then defender of Héctor Timerman, Dr. Alejandro Rúa, disagreed, arguing that it was Chamber I of the Federal Court of Cassation that should intervene to resolve those appeals filed, as a result of the confirmed prosecutions of the persons accused here, given that it was the one that had been doing so in the already accumulated case no. the dead cause).
However, this proposal was not accepted, and after hearing the Prosecutor, judges Hornos and Borinsky ruled on February 22, 2018 that Chamber IV was competent to intervene, on the grounds that the accumulation of both (nr.777/2015 to the later one, nr.14305/2015) and the consequent decision about which court of first instance would hear, also had a correlative impact on the determination of the Chamber of the Chamber of Cassation that should understand the appeal. Thus, that Chamber in full (that is, together with Judge Gemignani) declared on March 8, 2018 the
inadmissibility of the appeals filed by the defenses.
At this point in the analysis, it should be noted that it is not the object of this resolution to question the reasons that have led the magistrates not to depart in the different cassatory instances that this process has gone through. Indeed, if the motion for nullity had been circumscribed solely to this, it would undoubtedly have been dismissed.
It happens that, to the concern of the defenses about this change of criteria that implied, in fact, that these judges were the ones who resolved transcendental issues in the cassatory instance in the way in which they did, other elements were added which have also been ventilated here. Stated clearly, it was the knowledge acquired recently about the visits of these magistrates to the headquarters of the National Executive Power that changes the lens from which the fears of partiality that the actions of the judges in question generated in the defendants here are analyzed. . These doubts or objective fears about the independence and/or impartiality of said magistrates are linked to a set of facts, which have been subjected to the rules of evidence throughout these hearings.
In turn, this set of facts was analyzed by the accusations, mainly by the Prosecutor's Office, and by the defenses. The Prosecutor has proposed a look at these facts, as if they were disconnected events, while the defenses have proposed an interpretation that links them and gives them a unity of meaning, in pursuit of the hypothesis they postulate, as a result of which they request this Court to declare the nullity of everything done from there, having to return to the legal situation of that time: the file by
dismissal of the complaint, considering that it did not constitute a crime.
Therefore, these facts must be carefully analyzed to determine if the questioned resolution successfully avoids the questions that are addressed to it, or if, on the contrary, it is tinged with doubts of such an entity that it puts the intolerable crisis into crisis. guarantee of due process and defense in court.
The complaints have raised before making the decision not to participate in the summoned oral instance, that this Court is not empowered to review the arguments offered by a "higher court" to reject their challenge, for having expired the term imposed by art. 60,
C.P.P.N. It seems reasonable to dwell briefly on this argument.
Although it is correct that a challenge whose cause would have occurred during the investigation could not be filed once its closure has been arranged and that even in the case of the last paragraph of art. 60 – “in case of supervening causation”- could only be filed within forty-eight hours after it was produced, it is necessary to remember that what is being examined here is a request for annulment for affecting due process. To make it clear, we are not resolving any challenge here, rather the summary of what happened prior to this Court's action is part of the reasonableness sieve through which defense arguments must pass.
What the Court must do, is to comply with a legal obligation, which consists of carrying out a strict scrutiny, which the defenses are also demanding, referring to whether or not there are sufficient suspicions here that the constitutional guarantees of inviolability of the defense in court and of the adjective due process to which the defendants are entitled, have suffered an impairment of
such an entity that can put into doubt in an intolerable way, not only facing the parties but also the , whether the accused have been treated here, or not, with Justice.
These doubts are supported by the new facts of the visits to Olivos and the Casa Rosada at key moments in this case, by two judges who had to adopt decisions that, at the same time, were of interest to the National Executive Power at that time.
It is a categorical imperative derived from the duty to strengthen Justice, that these doubts be cleared up, in all instances, prior to advancing towards an oral and public trial. This is unavoidable, given the high importance of the facts discussed here; the high magistratures that were held (and in some cases are held today) by some of the defendants; because of the public sensitivity that the case has aroused, which gives it institutional gravity, and because the purpose of the criminal process is, fundamentally, to bring social peace to the conflict, which could not be obtained if they are not cleared, before the trial, with total clarity, these serious questions.
The prosecutor has rightly said -without prejudice to what he later ruled- that the criticized resolution is an act of the process and, as such, is subject to the same scrutiny of legality as any other and, furthermore, no provision law prevents this from being done.
VI. 2. The visits.
One of the transcendental aspects of the meetings that are considered accredited in this incident is the moment in which the parties became aware of it. That is to say, time after the challenges were categorically rejected and from the moment in which the resolutions that
now they attack each other, but before the debate was fixed in these cars.
This circumstance, in the opinion of this Court, is not minor. The suspicions that the defenses had regarding the independence of those magistrates, without a doubt, from this novelty, radically change their meaning. This can be seen in the processing of the present actions, since once they became public, all the defenses raised annulments or adhered to those filed by their colleagues. Consequently, the assessment made in this resolution of the procedural acts that were carried out while those visits were taking place also turns out to be substantially different and for this reason it is necessary to examine, under these new elements, the reasonableness of the fear of partiality that the defenses they invoke, and that came to be (so far) dismissed. Let's see.
According to the information that has been forwarded to this Court, “visits” can be described as follows:
House of Government
a) Dr. Gustavo Hornos attended the following days:
December 22, 2015 (entered at 5:53 p.m. and left at 6:12 p.m., authorized by "Mauricio Macri" and is recorded as "audiences").
May 5, 2016 (entered at 11:12 a.m. and left at 11:53 p.m. authorized by "Macri").
August 8, 2016 (entered at 5:30 p.m. and left at 6:02 p.m., authorized by "Macri").
October 31, 2017 (entered at 2:23 p.m. and left at 5:17 p.m. authorized by "Mauricio Macri").
November 16, 2017 (entered at 5:46 p.m. and left at 7:14 p.m., authorized by
"Mauricio Macri" the reason stated in the form is "hearings").
August 13, 2018 (entered at 12:21 p.m. and left at 4:15 p.m., authorized by "Macri").
August 6, 2019 (entered at 4:49 p.m. and left at 5:47 p.m., authorized by "Macri").
b) Judge Mariano Borinsky was the
days:
August 9, 2016 (entered at 4:11 p.m. and left at 6:38 p.m. authorized by Macri).
August 13, 2018 (entered at 4:28 p.m. and left at 6:20 p.m. authorized by "Fernando De Andreis").
In relation to the entrances to the government house, from the reading of the records sent by the Chief of Staff, it is not possible to assign a specific meaning to the visits that would automatically rule out the hypothesis of the defenses, as could happen, Just to cite an example, with the timely entry of several magistrates on October 19, 2016, authorized in the respective form by the Minister of Justice at that time, Germán Garavano, from which it could clearly be inferred some kind of event or institutional meeting. Nor have other reasons been accredited in the records that allow these meetings to be given a specific value in an institutional framework that could put to rest the fear of partiality that the defenses raise.
Olives Presidential Fifth
c) the records showed that Gustavo Hornos attended on the following days:
November 9, 2016 (he entered at 12:30 and left at 12:40 and the form states – as well as all the people who
they appear on the form- that they attended “conventions”).
March 8, 2017 (checked in at 5:50 p.m. and left at 6:34 p.m.).
d) Dr. Mariano Borinsky was the days:
June 27, 2016 (entered at 4:50 p.m. and left at 5:56 p.m.).
August 11, 2016 (the form states “soccer”), August 24, 2016 (the form states “tennis court”).
September 7, 2016 (the form states "tennis" and says "Ramón" as his first name. However, the car's ownership number coincides with that of the magistrate's subsequent admissions)
September 15, 2016 (the form states “paddle court”).
October 6, 2016 (the form states “tennis court/ RPO).
December 23, 2016 (the visit is recorded in the form corresponding to "visits", entered at 5:00 p.m. and left at 6:59 p.m.).
March 16, 2017 (entered at 6:11 p.m. without recording the departure time and the form says “paddle”).
December 21, 2017 (entered at 6:10 p.m. and left +++, and the form says “tennis”).
August 21, 2018 (entered at 6:15 p.m. and left at 8:25 p.m., the form says “paddle”).
September 12, 2018 (entered at 5:40 pm and left at 8:15 pm, the form reads “paddle”).
February 14, 2019 (entered at 6:20 pm and left at 8:20 pm, the form says “chalet”).
June 20, 2019 (entered at 4:39 pm and left at 6:15 pm, the form says “tennis SP”).
August 15, 2019 (entered at 6:11 p.m. and left at 8:40 p.m., the form says “paddle”).
September 4, 2019 (entered at 6:00 pm and withdrew at 8:00 pm the “Paddle SP” form).
September 23, 2019 (entered at 6:35 pm and left at 8:30 pm, the form says “tennis SP”).
In relation to the visits to the Quinta Presidencial de Olivos (RPO) and particularly in relation to Dr. Borinsky, the forms refer to multiple sports activities that would be the reason for his transfer to that venue (soccer, tennis and paddle tennis). . The same does not happen with the income of Dr. Gustavo Hornos since he has not been recorded in the records.
Thus, the facts show that while the debate was taking place: a) the procedural legitimacy of the DAIA to sue and be a party in case 14305; b) the reinstatement of the deceased cause no. 777, that there was no public accusation and no private accusation (since the DAIA had not yet been admitted) and, ultimately, the fate of prosecutor Nisman's complaint against the former President of the Republic, two of the three judges who they had to take part in the judicial decision they regularly visited the acting President of the Republic, Mauricio Macri, who had publicly shown his interest in the "advancement" of said case, or to be precise in the reestablishment of a case
defunct criminal law, something expressly prohibited by art.
109 CN.
Of course we do not know, as Mr. Prosecutor demanded, the content of the conversations, if there were any, in each of the entries that the former President authorized the judges. Knowing this is not the core of the issue that this Court is called upon to decide either, since what is problematic, in light of the health of the republican and democratic values that our National Constitution recognizes -and we as judges are called upon to protect- are the effects that these encounters, in themselves, fatally project onto this criminal proceeding, given their temporal juxtaposition with transcendental decisions for this cause.
This circumstance, recently known to all at the beginning of this year, resoundingly changes the tenor of what the defenses have labeled as arbitrariness -which, moreover, they have invoked since the beginning of these proceedings and will also be dealt with in this resolution-, and it cannot fail to be recognized that they grant another reasonableness to the doubts that they had been raising regarding the impartiality and independence of the magistrates whose separation they had been claiming, without success, in successive petitions.
However, these are not the only elements of judgment that strengthen the panorama of reasonable doubt planted by the defenses.
There are other disturbing elements that must be examined in an unavoidable way, given the complaint that all parties would not have been given the same impartial treatment, since the procedural interest of at least one of the particular complaints would have obtained treatment , in appearance, deferential.
VI. 3. The DAIA and its relations with the National Executive Branch and with Judge Borinsky according to the complaint made by the Prosecutor.
Added to this case is the DAIA minutes dated June 27, 2016 in which it is stated that, meeting the members of the DAIA board of directors, Santiago Kaplún (remember, partner of Rubinska) reports in that session: "Audience with the President of the Nation, Eng. Mauricio Macri, reports Santiago Kaplún, topics discussed according to the agenda: Memorandum with Iran...", court cases, attack and collateral, cause Nisman, …; Regarding the progress of the writings to be presented in the case of the prosecutor Nisman's complaint, Santiago Kaplún reports that they are in the midst of preparation, and the board of directors ratifies the decision of the previous session, that the entity present itself as a complainant in case No. 77/2015, pending before the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court in charge of Dr. Rafecas and the case. No. 14305/15 pending before the Federal Criminal and Correctional Court 11, Dr. Bonadío”.
The aforementioned act is consistent with the entry form to the Olivos Presidential Fifth of June 24, 2016 (Friday) which records an entry of Ariel Cohen Sabban at 11:50 am, leaving fifty minutes later.
In this case, the reason for the meeting is proven, which is precisely this cause and the procedural strategy that, after meeting with the President of the Nation, they decided to face, as was reflected in the respective minutes. Strategy that, according to appearances, was successful.
Now, according to the visits of the judges herein considered accredited, on June 27, 2016 (Monday) Dr. Borinsky entered the
4:50 p.m. to the Quinta Presidencial de Olivos to then retire at 5:56 p.m.).
The temporal proximity between the meetings of the complaint with the P.E.N. to talk about this case, the visit of Judge Borinsky to the then President of the Nation and the resolution of December 29, 2016, according to what the Defenses have repeatedly exposed before this Court, has caused them a state of alarm, which they have translated as a fear of partiality.
In addition to this panorama, there were several other meetings: Judge Hornos went November 9, 2016 to the Quinta Presidencial de Olivos; Santiago Kaplún met with the former president of the Nation -Mauricio Macri- on November 25, 2016 and they were in a meeting, according to the records sent to this headquarters from 1:03 p.m. to 5:09 p.m. In turn, on December 23, 2016 judge Borinsky was again in the presidential election in Olivos.
The presentation of Dr. Beraldi is added to this panorama, alluding to the existence of a journalistic investigation about an alleged advice that the DAIA would have received
by Judge Borinsky, in relation to which the Prosecutor, Dr. Marcelo Colombo, adopted the decision, on August 17 of this year, to file a criminal complaint to investigate this fact, a circumstance that brought to the attention of all those present at the hearing on August 18, attaching a copy thereof.
Thus, the undersigned cannot fail to notice that the fear of partiality that the defenses have been invoking is sustained by a series of events that, taken together, reasonably increase said fear. The following are data, which emerge from the evidence that this Court has received and that it submitted to the consideration of all parties: after the hearing that the DAIA had with the President (June 24 and recorded in the minutes of the
June 27), the meeting with Dr. Borinsky took place (on June 27), and that on August 2, 2016 (activity resumed after the judicial fair), the DAIA requested the reopening of the case and was admitted as complainant. These are facts, which have been established by the evidence that was completed. The interpretation that the disputing parties have proposed to the Court is divergent: for the Prosecutor, these are isolated events, since it is not possible to know what was discussed in those meetings. Meanwhile, the defenses postulate that undue interference occurred in those meetings, in violation of art.
109 of the CN on the judges of the case.
VI. 4. Visits and fear of partiality.
Since we are in a position to resolve this incident, it is true that we do not know the content of the conversations, or if they even dealt, or not, with this cause, between the indicated judges and the former President of the Nation.
Nor do we know if the temporal coincidences noticed -by the defenses and by this Court- between the visits aired here and the procedural acts already indicated, are coincidences or if they had the purpose that the defenses allege. However, what this Court is in a position to point out, coinciding with what Judge Hornos opportunely pointed out when voting for Judge Sabrina Namer's removal, is that "Justice must not only be carried out, it must also appear that is done”. The famous aphorism so often cited throughout this incident comes from a decision by Lord Hewart, then Lord Chief Justice of England in the case of Rex v. Sussex Justices, of the year 1924. In that precedent, cited in hundreds of national and international judicial decisions, the decision of the judges had been annulled because an employee who was a partner in one of the law firms was present in their deliberation who sponsored one of the parties. What is interesting about the doctrine that emerges from the case -and that is relevant to what is being examined here- is that there the judges, after clarifying that their decision had not been influenced by this circumstance -which, furthermore, they were unaware of- because the employee in question had been silent during the meeting, they argued that "Nothing should be done to raise even the suspicion that there has been undue interference in the course of justice." In fact, it was this decision that was instrumental in quashing the initial House of Lords order against Chilean dictator Pinochet because Lord Hoffman was on the stand and his wife had worked with Amnesty International who had pursued the case against Pinochet.
Lord Hewart's principle requires that courts not only be truly independent of executive interference, but that they be viewed as independent entities and not departments of the government.
Government. This is the same criteria followed by the European Court of Human Rights, also referenced by the defenses and by the prosecutor during the processing of this incident. Thus, in Guðmundur Andri Ástráðsson v. Iceland [GC], paragraph 218, the court held that there is a very close interrelationship between the concepts of “independence” and “impartiality” of a court, which are part of the “institutional requirements”. of article 6. 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The European Court has held, specifically, that a judicial body that does not satisfy the requirements of independence - in particular of the executive - and of impartiality cannot even be qualified as a "court" for the purposes of article 6.1: "Everyone has right to have their cause heard fairly, publicly and within a reasonable time, by an independent and impartial tribunal(…)”.
To determine whether a body can be considered "independent", the European Court has taken into account the following criteria (Findlay v. United Kingdom, § 73): (a) the manner of appointment of its members and (b) the term of office; (c) the existence of guarantees against external pressures; (d) if the body presents an appearance of independence. It is worth pausing for a moment on this last aspect, that “appearances matter”. This is so because, “(what is at stake) is the confidence that the courts of a democratic society must inspire in the public and, above all, in regard to criminal proceedings, in the accused (Şahiner v. Turkey, § 44).
Furthermore, in deciding whether there is legitimate reason to fear that a particular court lacks independence or impartiality, the defendant's point of view is important but not decisive. It
decisive is whether your doubts can be considered objectively justified (Incal v. Turkey, § 71).
Following this reasoning, the question we must ask here is, then, whether an “objective observer” would have reason to consider the independence of the court affected in the circumstances of the case at hand (Clarke v. United Kingdom (dec.), specifically, in view of the knowledge of meetings (not denied or unknown by those involved) between the judges called to decide in a certain process and a president who had expressed his interest in the result of that process, which also had -and still has- great importance institutional2.
Such is the importance given to the doctrine of the “appearance of impartiality” in the world that, at present, the discussion focuses on much more subtle questions such as whether magistrates can “be friends” in social networks of people interested in the lawsuits they decide. For example, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime has recently published the “Non-binding guidelines on the use of social networks by judges” (https://www.unodc.org/res/ji/ import/international_standards/social_media_guidelines/social_media_guidelines
_final.pdf); The European Commission for the Efficiency of Justice (CEPEJ), published the "Guide to Communication with the media and the public for courts and tax authorities" (https://rm.coe.int/cepej-2018-15-en- communication-manual-with-media/16809025fe); in the United States, the National Center for Courts
2 The cases in which an objective observer could have reasons for concern regarding the impartiality and independence of the judge are varied and studied in depth by the doctrine, as is the case of the eminent criminal lawyer Claus Roxin, cited in this hearing, when he exemplifies saying "The fear of partiality is configured, among other situations, when the judge plays tennis with the accused and then they go to eat together." It goes without saying that President Macri is not charged in these proceedings, but it is no less true that the casual reference to "playing tennis" caused an impact (literally: "or play tennis with him and then go eat together" BGH StrV 86, 369, cited by Roxin C. "Criminal Procedure Law, Editores del Puerto SRL, Translation of the 25th German Edition by Gabriela E. Córdoba and Daniel R Pastor, Buenos Aires 2000, page 43).
States published the “Social Media and Judicial Ethics Update” (https://www.ncsc.org/ data/assets/pdf_file/0023/1728 5/socialmediaandjudicialethics-update.pdf.
In the state of Florida, United States, for example, judges are automatically removed from the case if it is found that they are "friends" of a lawyer of the parties on social networks (http://www.jud6.org/ LegalCommunity/LegalPractice/opin ions/jeacopinions/2009/2009-20.html In that country, just to cite an example, in a case in which the judge was a "friend" on Facebook of the accused (there was no other link between them beyond the fact that the judge knew the defendant's father) Shira Goodman,
deputy director
Courts
Modern Pennsylvanians,
stated: “many
judges you
they will say this: there are certain
Things you give up when you become a judge. Some of that is social ties. You don't have to put yourself in situations where your impartiality may be questioned" (http://www.pennlive.com/midstate/index.ssf/2011/09/ju dges_facebook_friend_has_som.html).
Thus, an ex parte communication in cyberspace is no less inappropriate than a chat at a professional association toast, while being a golf partner with a judge at a local country club is perhaps more likely to risk convey to the public the appearance of the existence of a special relationship, with an ability to influence the judge, than to be "Friends" on Facebook with him (Browning, J. [2014]. “Why Can't We Be Friends? Jud ges'Use of Social Media." University of Miami Law Review. Vol. 68:487).
These cases, as we can see, imply an even less affectation to the “appearance of impartiality” than what would seem to derive from the visits that we are examining here. However, even when maintaining social and/or sporting ties (at the time
admitted by those involved) is not something negative or bad in itself, there seems to be no discussion that, if it happens, it should have concrete consequences on the process. The right to have certain friendships or social relationships is not being questioned, but rather the possibility that, under circumstances such as those discussed here, this is still compatible with the intervention of such judges, as judges, in the case, and renders all cases invalid. acts dictated by them.
In addition, as I have been pointing out, this has been the path that was indicated in this same case no. 129 to those signed by Chamber IV of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation (by majority), at the time of deciding the dismissal of Dr. Namer. There it was precisely Judge Gustavo Hornos who reminded us that, "according to the standards outlined by the Strasbourg Court, what is decisive in terms of impartiality is to establish whether, from the point of view of external (objective) circumstances, there are elements that give rise to doubts regarding the impartiality with which the judge must act, regardless of what he thought internally, following the adage “justice must not only be done, it must also be seen to be done” (CEDH, “Delcourt vs. Belgium”, January 17, 1970, Series A, no. 11, para. 31). In fact, in that resolution, Judge Juan Carlos Gemignani voted to refer the background of that incident of recusal to the Council of the Magistracy, so that it could be analyzed if my colleagues - Dr. Sabrina Namer and Dr. Michilini - and whoever is speaking, at the resolve the rejection of the challenge, we had evidenced a "ignorance of the law" (around the issue of "being and appearing"), which warranted a possible sanction, according to the respective regulations.
Therefore, this question is a central point, in terms of the precedent of the Court
European Court of Human Rights, “De Cubber” in that, in criminal matters, even appearances can be important (judgment of October 28, 1984).
What is being analyzed here, as I have been saying, is not the reasons why the resolutions questioned here were adopted, but rather the undeniable trend of progress in the process that this implied and the fear of partiality that this generated in the persons accused due to the meetings that have been accredited here. In this way, the fate of the resolution of December 29, 2016 and those that were its consequence is sealed by the legally established annulment regime given that, due to the circumstances now known, it is only possible to agree with the Defenses insofar as that the guarantee of an impartial judge derived from the implicit rights of art. 33 of the National Constitution, due process and defense in court (art. 18 of the National Constitution and expressly enshrined in articles: 26 of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, 14.1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights , 8.1 of the American Convention on Human Rights, 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights) but not because of the grounds of the resolution itself, which had timely become final.
However, as indicated below, other substantive issues have been introduced by the parties within the framework of this hearing, which are dealt with in extenso by the remaining votes of my colleagues, which determine that the fate of this process is supported by possibly deeper reasons.
In any case, obiter dictum, it is worth reiterating that even for these reasons, which I have been developing here, the possibility that this
The process moves towards a future scenario of oral and public trial, it is canceled at least, until such serious and serious obstacles are cleared in its entirety and definitively by all legally provided instances.
The scenario that has been raised, by the way, very complex, confronts us with a request for annulment that goes back to the reopening of the case, which was at that time, that is, in the year 2016, expired on cause of a closure decreed for the absence of crime.
It is up to us to examine, briefly, the regime of annulments in our procedural system, given that the argument was articulated that those would be, today, untimely. Let's see.
VII. Brief introduction to the annulment scheme of the National Code of Criminal Procedure.
At first sight and in a liminary way, it could be said that a valid procedural act is one that is carried out observing all the prescriptions provided for by law, whether they are related to their budgets, their structure or the circumstances, that is, complying with the requirements that concern the subjects that carry it out, the way they carry it out, the circumstances of time and place of execution, will be enabled to produce the effects that the law abstractly assigns to it.
Carlos Creus calls this set of requirements (covering the subjects and modes of the act) a procedural type, that is, the valid procedural act is the one that conforms to the corresponding procedural type, that is, the one that has been executed gathering all the subjective (subjects), instrumental (means) and modal (circumstances) elements listed in its legal definition (see "Invalidity of acts
criminal proceedings", 2nd. Updated and expanded edition. Ed. Astrea 1995).
Then, on the contrary, if all or some of these requirements are not met, the act will lack validity and, therefore, it will be ineffective to produce the effects that are legally expected of it.
But sustaining this extreme position would submerge us in the formalist system with the risks that this implies, such as not advancing in the process, making it cumbersome, to the point of detrimental to the defendant because it would never come to an end. In short, an adherence to the perfect legal regulation would lead to "declaring nullity for nullity itself", harming the practical purpose of the process.
That is why a procedural act that is carried out without observing the legal requirements is an irregular act, imperfect, but that is not synonymous with invalidity. Hence, the procedural codes have left that system behind and have adopted the legalist one, which distinguishes between essential and non-essential requirements, with the law being the one that determines the essentiality or not of the unobserved requirement.
As can be imagined then, only that procedural act that lacks any of these essential or substantial requirements will result in invalidity due to being ineffective, therefore, these and only these, for such non-compliance, will be deserving of the sanction provided for in the law. Said sanction is nothing other than the nullity of the act with all that this implies.
But before starting to elaborate on what consequences the declaration of nullity of a procedural act brings, it is necessary to distinguish the classes of
nullities according to what they are
the
acts capable of
be declared null.
I agree
to
principle or system
legalist, also called specificity or
restrictiveness, the nullity of a flawed or irregular procedural act can only be declared when it is expressly provided for that act in the law. The national criminal procedure system receives this principle in art. 166 when providing "The procedural acts will be void only when the provisions expressly prescribed under penalty of nullity have not been observed." As an example of acts of this nature, the one regulated in art. 242 of the CPPN "They may not testify against the accused, under penalty of nullity, his spouse, ascendant...".
However, they coexist with this class of specific or exhaustive annulments, those of a general or generic order, that is, "totally open clauses that try to catch defects scattered throughout the criminal procedural law and, even, coming from other laws, according to particular rules". (see "Criminal Procedural Law" III. General Part, Procedural acts of Julio Maier, Editores del Puerto, Buenos Aires, 2011, 1st edition, p.37). That is why these annulments, as explained by Clariá Olmedo, can be systematized or gathered in a certain place of the code because they capture any act of the process, sanctioned or not singularly with annulment, that somehow contains a requirement considered by said generic norm. , or if it does not contain it, this same norm imposes it for the regular development of the entire process (see "Treatise on Criminal Procedure Law", Volume IV, procedural activity, Ed. Rubinzal-Culzoni, 2008, p.207). The rule that contains annulments of a general nature is provided for in art. 167 of the CPPN "The observance of the relevant provisions shall always be understood to be prescribed under penalty of invalidity:
1) The appointment, capacity and constitution of the judge, court or representative of the public prosecutor's office.
2) To the intervention of the judge, public prosecutor and plaintiff in the process and to his
participation in acts in which it is mandatory.
3) To the intervention, assistance and representation of the accused, in the cases and forms established by law.
It is important to note here that the first paragraph of this legal provision includes all the regulations regarding the regularity of the actions of the judge or court in terms of the office itself and those who personify it in relation to each process. That is to say, it includes the observance of the norms concerning the competence of the court and the maintenance of the impartiality of its members, all in relation to the cause in which they act.
But these general annulments may not be systematized or gathered in one place, but capture a series of acts corresponding to a moment of the process to a common type of procedural activity, which even, as Maier pointed out above, can derive also from other legal bodies.
Continuing with Clariá's schematization, an example of this class of annulments foreseen in a decentralized manner can be mentioned the observance of the rules that determine the jurisdiction of criminal judges, which are contained both in the procedural code and in the laws organic branches of the Judiciary (see op. cit. p. 209).
In the midst of these specific and generic annulments, there are, as a kind of tertium genus, the so-called virtual or implicit annulments that have the particularity that without express compulsion of the law and without the possibility of being framed as general annulments, they present conflict situations in the process that can only be overcome through the declaration of nullity; Paradigmatic examples of these cases are violations of prohibitions contained in constitutional norms, or non-compliance with strict requirements contained
in them, with evident prejudice to the regularity of the process and, therefore, clearly demonstrative of the inadmissibility of the procedure (see. Creus, op. cit. p. 46).
Now, this classification is superimposed on the one that distinguishes between absolute and relative annulments, which although they are not expressly consigned with that denomination in the procedural codes, the truth is that they arise as a consequence of the characteristics that they assign to one and another case in the different aspects of its operation. Thus, in absolute nullity the defect that affects the procedural act is more serious, therefore, its ineffectiveness is greater, correlatively, in relative nullity the defect of the act is less, consequently, so is its ineffectiveness.
Based on this difference, we can describe the characteristics of one nullity and the other at the same time, so while absolute nullity must be declared ex officio by the judge, although the parties can denounce them, in the case of relative nullity it can only be do it if there has been an excitement foreign to him, that is, that one of the parties involved in the process notices it and requests his statement; This entails that absolute nullity can be declared in any state and degree of the process, without taking into account the procedural moment in which it occurred, while relative nullity must be opposed in a timely manner, that is, within the terms peremptorily established by law for these purposes. At the same time, in the case of absolute nullity, any of the parties can denounce it regardless of whether or not the person doing so caused the null act or has or does not have an interest in the observance of the affected legal norms; The opposite happens with the relative nullity since it can only be opposed by those who have that interest since they have been harmed by that flawed act.
Finally, the procedural act affected by a
cause of absolute nullity, in principle, it is not susceptible to validation, that is, it cannot be corrected, unlike the flawed relative nullity that can be validated, therefore, correcting the defect by its express or tacit acceptance.
On the basis of this comparative table, it will be possible to notice in the articles of the CPPN, those provisions referring to both types of annulments. Thus, due to its text, it is inferred that in the second paragraph of art. 168 refers to absolute nullity: "Only the annulments provided for in the previous article (those of a general order) that imply a violation of constitutional norms, or when so established, must be declared ex officio, in any state and degree of the process expressly".
At the same time, arts. 169 and 170 do the same with the relative nullity by defining who can oppose it, at what procedural moment and in what way. This invalidity, as it is susceptible to correction, art.
171 refers to the ways to achieve this already described above.
It remains then, now, in the event that the irregularity is not validated or corrected, to determine what effects the declaration of nullity of the defective act produces. Art is responsible for this. 172 of the CPPN, by prescribing "...will nullify all consecutive acts that depend on it." This extension of the invalidity of the act declared void, in some cases occurs ope legis and in others it will require an express declaration of the court that has declared that nullity, with the consequent setback of the process up to the null act.
Now, as has been said, we are faced with two positions or interpretations of the new facts invoked and proven, which constitute a matter of grievance for the defenses and
They are, on the one hand, that of the Public Prosecutor's Office who postulated that there is no dangerous relationship in terms of judicial independence and impartiality, between the facts described (visits) and the procedural acts questioned. In his opinion, he deals with each of the circumstances to which the defenses alluded and breaks them down individually to later conclude, in essence, that it is not possible to know what the judges and the President of the Republic discussed in those numerous meetings.
In a diametrically opposed way, the defenses offer the Court an interpretation of the visits on which they base their grievance, referring to what they have described as a kind of "judicial persecution", which even exceeded the framework of these actions, but that in what interests us here was definitively sealed with the resolution of December 29, 2016. That decision was adopted according to this perspective, by judges who were not independent or impartial. But ultimately, from the knowledge acquired today of circumstances that took place at that time, in parallel to the moment in which the defenses presented their challenges, it is only possible to agree with them, since the fear of partiality that comes suffering and raising in the cause from that larval moment, mainly based on the suspicion of the existence of some kind of influence or interference of the National Executive Power, exercised at that moment by Mauricio Macri, on some members of the Judicial Power, in relation to causes criminal proceedings involving political rivals of the former.
For the
distinguished
representative
of
Public Ministry
Prosecutor, the
ignorance
what
we suffer about what happened in those meetings, results in a lack of certainty that, in his opinion, is enough to dismiss the fears of
bias alleged by the Defense. Thus, he considers the stage clear to be able to move towards the instance of oral debate.
Now, for the undersigned, the impartiality of the judge and the triangular shape of the procedural relationship, determines that it is essential to guarantee "...the alienation of the judge to the two conflicting interests: that of protection against crimes, represented by the accusation, and that of protection against arbitrary punishments, represented by the defense, which also correspond to the two purposes, perfectly compatible in the abstract, but always conflicting in the concrete which, as has been seen, justify criminal law..." (Ferrajoli, op cit. p. 581).
This impartiality of the judge regarding the purposes pursued by the parties must be both personal and institutional. Ferrajoli says: "First of all, it is necessary that the judge not have any private or personal interest in the outcome of the case: no one should be a judge or arbitrator in their own case and therefore -these are the words of Hobbes- no one should be arbitrator if for him there is apparently a greater benefit, material or spiritual, from the victory of one party than from the other" (Ferraloli, op. cit. p. 581).
In summary: the meetings existed; They were preceded by meetings held by one of the complaints with the then President Macri in order to talk specifically about this cause; The latter, in turn, had expressed in public that he welcomed the reopening of the file; That reopening was what motivated said meeting or meeting that took place on Friday, June 24; On Monday the 27th, the Chief Magistrate received for the first time one of the judges in whose hands the aforementioned cause was; and shortly after, issues of enormous procedural significance were sealed, all of which
presents a panorama that, even though it could be mere coincidences, logically and understandably undermined the trust that citizens must place in the justice system to which they submit, in such a way that “…they not only do not have, but do not even harbor the fear of having an enemy judge or in any way not impartial”. (Ferrajoli, op. cit. p. 582). These doubts, which this Court can only recognize, have legal consequences when what is at stake is not only the independence and impartiality of the judges as a guarantee, but also the general confidence that the decisions emanating from them are fair. .
The reasonableness of the fear of partiality that the defenses have alleged is not disconnected from the way in which these facts are interrelated, because even though all of them can be explained, following the Prosecutor's thesis, as a set of coincidences, and even though the solo analysis of each of the circumstances discussed herein, per se, probably does not constitute an affront to constitutional guarantees, however, the number, opportunity, and procedural events that occurred in said visits give rise to doubts and it blurs the necessary appearance of objectivity.
The Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation has said that impartiality is an implicit guarantee (art. 33 of the National Constitution) that derives from the republican form of government, from the accusatory principle, from the guarantees of due process and defense in court established by article 18 of the national Constitution, which is expressly enshrined in the international agreements that are part of the federal constitutional bloc by virtue of the express incorporation made by article 75 paragraph 22 of the national Constitution. Therefore, the guarantee of an impartial judge is a derivation and a complement to the principle of the natural judge (Treaty of
Criminal Procedure Law, Volume I, (Almeyra-Baez, directors; Tellas Coordinator, Thompson Reuters, Ed. La Ley, (2015) Chapter 1, items 1.6 to 1.8, inclusive).
Similarly, the right to be tried by an independent judge is a guarantee derived from and also complementary to the principle of a natural and impartial judge who, in a rule of law, imposes a limit on the State that it must obligatorily allow the judges to work freely and, consequently, it cannot interfere in their work. It is accepted that the natural, competent and impartial judge must be independent from all kinds of power, political pressure (from the State), judicial (from his superiors), social or public. The International Pacts establish the right to be heard by an independent court as the center of all judicial guarantees. Thus, article 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the art.
14.1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; and Article 8.1 of the Pact of San José, Costa Rica. Our Constitution imposes very specific rules in relation to the effective guarantee of the principle, when it says that in no case can the President of the Nation exercise judicial functions, arrogate knowledge of pending cases or restore the deceased (article 109 CN).
The European Court of Human Rights, as taught by the judge and professor Luis García3, declared that "in order to establish whether the court can be considered "independent", one must especially consider the manner of appointment, the duration of the mandate of its members, the existence of a protection against external pressures and the question of whether or not there are appearances of independence”. Whether a court is independent depends not only on the existence of separation of powers within the framework
3 Op. Cit., p. 274 et seq.
constitutional law of each country, but also other factors, such as the possibility of untimely removal, the payment conditions of judges, the possibility of other branches issuing instructions to judges, threats of transfer to other positions in the event that their decisions do not meet the expectations, instructions, and the possibilities of judges to issue binding decisions and enforce them.
In the words of Ferrajoli: “in order to guarantee the impartiality of the judge, it is necessary that he does not even have a public or institutional interest in the case. In particular, it is necessary that it does not have an accusatory interest, and for this reason it does not simultaneously exercise the functions of accusation, as, on the contrary, occurs in the inquisitive process and, albeit ambiguously, also in the mixed one. ” (op. cit. p. 582, the emphasis in bold is my own). From this perspective, it is not a minor fact that the intervention of the aforementioned magistrates was key in the reopening of a deceased case, for a reason that, according to some, would have the particularity of generating material res judicata (absence of crime ), when the process had also been deprived of fiscal impulse, that is, of official impulse.
We are aware that this issue is highly debated among experts. The effects caused by the dismissal for non-existence of crime has been the subject of different doctrinal and jurisprudential positions that have also been evidenced in the framework of these proceedings.
Thus, the Federal Court of Appeals -Room I- in the framework of case 777/2015, on September 27, 2016 when it approved the decision of Judge Daniel Rafecas not to reopen that investigation, it did so with the understanding that that what
that it had already been resolved about the non-existence of crime was firm.
There Judge Freiler referred to the issue and adopted the position according to which the dismissal of the complaint for non-existence of crime - provided for in article 195 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation did not make material res judicata, for which reason admitted the possibility of restating the case, as long as "his story is completed, trying to cover previous failures of adequacy" (CFCP, Room I, case no. 3956, reg. no. 5061, decision 5/27/02). Even from this perspective, he said that what could not be admitted was the sine die reiteration of attempts to "reopen" a case - which, as was happening according to that magistrate, had been archived after a meticulous and conscientious analysis of the denounced facts- , without incorporating into the new claim any new element of judgment that may reasonably arise.
The Prosecutor before the Federal Chamber of Cassation Javier De Luca in his opinion presented on April 20 in the framework of case 777/2015 withdrew from the appeal filed by his colleague in the previous stage given that in his opinion what was intended to investigate were conducts that did not constitute any crime.
Based on this, it affirmed that “a resolution that dismisses a complaint or that rejects a prosecutor's request for investigation is comparable to a final sentence, because it implies that the same facts denounced, under the same assumptions, They cannot be investigated by whoever intends to do so. Thus, he said that, although the rejection of a complaint does not have the same procedural nature as res judicata, the effects it produces from the point of view mentioned in this case are similar, because the line of argument for its rejection consists in the fact that the facts denounced They do not constitute a crime. There I cite the precedent CFCP, Chamber III, case No. 5994
"Fernández, María Beatriz and Inda, Tomás Juan A. s/ cassation appeal" complaint resolved on February 15, 2006, record no. 43/2006. The decision in the background is from 6/2/2007, registration 44/07.3.
Among the various authors who have dealt with the subject, Solimine, among others, after analyzing the oscillating jurisprudence in relation to this issue, concludes that the "dismissal for non-existence of crime does not have the value of material res judicata but rather formal which implies that they could be reopened if new factual elements appear or are introduced that allow a re-examination of the typicity of the denounced facts" (conf. Solimine Marcelo, "Dismissal for non-existence of crime in the nation's criminal procedure code, does it do something judged material?, in Tribute Studies to Dr. Francisco J. D'Albora, Ed. Lexis Nexis, 2005, page 484 and ss).
However, there are contrary positions, since another part of the doctrine maintains that, exceptionally, some cases of provisional dismissal relapsed in a criminal case can also be equated to a final sentence, particularly in those cases in which the facts denounced do not constitute crimes (conf. Carrió, Alejandro D. Constitutional Guarantees in criminal proceedings. Ed. Hammurabi, 2012, p. 52 and ss).
In effect, in precedents such as “Arisnavarreta” (Rulings 306: 344) and “Zadoff” (307:784), the CSJN already deviates from the general rule according to which provisional dismissals do not constitute a final judgment under the terms of the art. 14 of Law 48 when what is involved is facts that, analyzed legally, do not constitute crimes and this definitively seals the fate of the appellant (complaint in both cases).
The indication that is made in “bold” has particular relevance, in our sub-examine,
because the facts themselves (the signing of an MOU with the Republic of Iran, its clauses, especially the controversial art.7, etc.), are neither questioned nor denied. Its existence is, one could say, a "public and notorious" fact, which would even make it possible to dispense with the production of evidence in this regard. What has been part of the discussions, throughout the case over and over again, at different times, is precisely the legal analysis of these facts, in the terms of the precedents "Arisnavarreta" and "Zadoff" cited above.
Returning to the previous argumentative path, the prosecutor in his speech made reference to the reasons according to which we would not be facing a case in which the doctrine established by the highest court in the "Llerena" ruling, which He has also been cited (although in the opposite sense) by the defenses in support of his position.
We have to differ with the position of the Public Prosecutor's Office on this point for the reasons that will be explained below.
It should be recalled preliminarily that what was discussed in that precedent was the fear of partiality felt by the defendant by virtue of the fact that the challenged judge had already issued resolutions against him to advance in the process in the preliminary investigation stage and in the exercise of those functions, their alienation to the case could be objectively affected.
The Court clarifies that the underlying idea in a challenge of these characteristics is not that the judge is actually biased, but that it could be suspected that he would be, due to the accumulation of investigative and decision functions.
For this Court, what is at stake is an objective guarantee that can be violated without
need to enter the field of the personal conditions of the questioned magistrates.
In this context, having reintroduced the criminal action in some way, in the absence of a prosecutor, implied the exercise of “an accusatory interest” since it entailed the exercise of the accusation functions. Therefore, the subsequent intervention of the magistrates, now in their seat as judges of Chamber IV of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation, places the problem in terms that are reasonably analogous to those of the well-known "Llerena" ruling of the Court Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, with the legal consequences that must naturally derive from there.
In this regard, we can only share that "the power to remove judges suspected of partiality should not be confused with an attack on the honor or honesty of judges...the fear of impartiality is an objective defect in the procedure and not a subjective or personal bad quality of the judge" (opinion of the Attorney General of the Nation in re "Zenzerovich", Rulings: 322:1941).
From the ruling cited by the Public Prosecutor's Office, it also emerges that the guarantee of impartiality, in addition to not being a very personal attribute of the magistrate, is not an absolute, but an "attempt to approach it in practical life, which is protected with a series of forecasts, always historically contingent, therefore, relative to a historical time and a determined system, whose content is linked to the attempt to approach that ideal or to deviate from it".
This was the purpose of revealing the context in which the questioned decisions were made, since it is not a guarantee that can be analyzed in the abstract. At this point, it is where it makes sense, for example, the interest of the National Executive Branch of
at that time in certain matters of the judiciary
-which reached the ears of the special rapporteur of the United Nations Organization and expressed his concern in this regard- and of this cause in particular. This context, without a doubt, supports the fear of partiality that the visits themselves already represent.
What we are interested in pointing out here as an additional argument to those already exposed is that, due to the scope and content of the resolution of December 29, 2016, the claim of the Defenses is plausible referring to the fact that those judges, if they wished to attend such visits, would have refrained from issuing it or, at least, once it was issued, from continuing to intervene a posteriori, in order to avoid a situation that, further analysis, could be seen as analogous to the accumulation of functions that the "Llerena case" tells us about, when the Court alludes to the suspicion or prejudice that the person who acted in the preliminary investigation might have regarding the matter to be decided, since it promoted the process to reach the trial, which in a case like the one analyzed here, was verified since the decision of December 29 was the one that relaunched this case, which at that time was dead, since it had been struck down by the non-existence of the crime object of the complaint, and also, lacked momentum from the Public Prosecutor's Office.
The fear of partiality that defenses claim today results, in short, from the fear of having been treated unfairly. It cannot be ignored, in the development of this analysis, and directly related to the topics mentioned in the previous paragraph, what was the context at the time when the reopening of case 777/2015 was decided. A series of circumstances, all of them referring to various actions carried out by the government of President Macri on different sectors of the Judiciary,
had given rise to a formal complaint by a group of defense attorneys before international organizations.
These complaints, far from being dismissed, were accepted, and gave rise to a strong document issued by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, Diego García-Sayán, in the detailed report he sent to the national government on November 1, 2019, which this Court cannot ignore.
In said report, concern was expressed regarding certain information received qualified as "sufficiently reliable", regarding the alleged existence of a "systematic and structural plan to intimidate the Judiciary of the Argentine Republic through a series of concatenated acts of intimidation and pressure”. These acts would have undermined the independence of the various bodies that make up the Argentine judicial system (the Judiciary, the Public Ministry and the Magistracy Council) and hindered the possibility of impartial action in decisions that affected the interests of the Executive Branch, as well as " disciplining" magistrates who have issued resolutions contrary to the will of the Executive.
The cases to which the Special Rapporteur drew the attention of the Argentine State are the following:
a. the use of the Council of the Magistracy, especially the Commission for Discipline and Accusation, to persecute magistrates who dictate resolutions against the interests of the Executive Power, as well as the use of the Commission for the Selection of Magistrates for the selection of certain judges, through the stoppage of contests that are won by applicants not related to the government and the transfer of magistrates linked or close to the ruling party, without respecting the requirements established in the legislation.
At this point, it requested information from the Argentine State regarding the subrogation of magistrates that did not comply with the legislation, alleging that they affected the guarantees of immobility, intangibility and independence of the magistrates.
b. The appointment of two judges to the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation by decree: Mr. García Sayán expressed his concern about the appointment of judges Carlos Rosenkrantz and Horacio Rosatti to the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, resolved on December 2015 by Decree no. 83/2015. Said appointments were made without respecting the process for the selection and appointment of Supreme Court judges established in the legislation, such as public hearings, the participation of civil society, or the approval of the National Senate. As stated in the report, such appointments, because they were made in "precarious conditions of legality" could suggest that said magistrates were not free of political connections or influence.
c. The attack on the Attorney General of the Nation: The Special Rapporteur requested information from the Argentine State on the allegations that the government of Mauricio Macri and other actors had repeatedly requested the resignation of Alejandra Gils Carbó and tried to remove her using various strategies that They included attempts to reform the Organic Law of the Public Prosecutor's Office and statements about the intention to carry out institutional reforms by Decree of Necessity and Urgency, among others. All this was framed in an intense media campaign aimed at
discredit the Prosecutor, in the
that, according to
it
that is stated in the report, would have
participated
the
Grupo Clarín and La Nación.
d. The appointment of Judge Culotta in the Electoral Competition of the province of Buenos Aires:
The report calls attention to the appointment of magistrate Culotta, Federal Judge of Tres de Febrero to cover a subrogation in the electoral competition of the Province of Buenos Aires. This decision of the Council of the Magistracy, which is questioned as arbitrary and discretionary, gave the appointed judge competence in electoral matters in the entirety of the most important electoral district in the country at the time of the national elections in 2017. According to the information posted As revealed by the Special Rapporteur, Judge Culotta had friendly ties with President Macri, with his personal lawyer and with the legal and technical secretary, Pablo Clusellas. The rapporteur highlighted that, once the national elections and the recount of votes were carried out, Judge Culotta requested that said subrogation not be renewed.
e. The appointment of Judge Mahiques in the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation: The report mentions the particularities and, above all, the speed of the transfer of Judge Mahiques to the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation decided by the Commission for the Selection of Magistrates of the Council of the Magistracy and endorsed by the Executive Power. The links that would exist between Judge Mahiques and the provincial and national government of that time are also revealed.
f. The appointment of judge Bruglia in the Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber: the federal oral court judge Leopoldo Bruglia was appointed to cover a subrogation in the Federal Chamber without specifying the reasons for his selection, nor carried out the constitutional procedures, laws and jurisdictions that endorse it. Some time later, the Council of the Magistracy approved his definitive transfer without meeting the requirements established in the legislation related to the procedure of
appointment of judges, such as Senate approval, validation of their knowledge, and holding a public background check.
g. The attack on labor court judges and lawyers: The report mentions a "systematic attack" against labor court judges who issue sentences contrary to government interests, as well as against those who litigated there. These attacks were associated with others from the main media, who also have interests in other areas of the economy and, therefore, would identify labor law and the judges of said jurisdiction as an obstacle to their interests.
h. The manipulation of prosecutors in the case "Correo Argentino SA s/concurso preventivo": The report refers to the untimely replacement of the prosecutor who was investigating the mentioned cause, in which former President Macri is accused, by a close prosecutor to Mauricio Macri. Also, to the attempts to discredit prosecutor Boquín in the media.
i. The context of interference in the Judiciary: The report draws attention to the public intimidation suffered by several magistrates who issued decisions that questioned and/or suspended the execution of measures adopted by the government.
j. The attack on the federal judge Dolores Alejo Ramos Padilla: The Special Rapporteur also questioned the Argentine State by virtue of the reaction of the government of Mauricio Macri, which would have sought to discredit the magistrate and reduce his institutional support by virtue of the decisions adopted in the case in which that an alleged network of illegal espionage and extortion is being investigated, with possible connections with public officials -prosecutors, federal and provincial judges, and executive branch officials- and
journalists. In addition, it was mentioned that the request for impeachment against Judge Ramos Padilla would have involved an attempt to influence and obstruct a relevant judicial case, since there would be no argument to justify "poor performance", "gross negligence", "manifest arbitrariness” or “repeated breaches of the Constitution” that would lead to dismissal, as required by law.
The Special Rapporteur, in addition to expressing his concern about the points made, communicated that it was his obligation to try to clarify those allegations and requested the cooperation of the Argentine State in order for it to provide information on the allegations contained in the report and adopt all measures necessary to protect the rights and freedoms of the aforementioned persons and to investigate, prosecute and impose appropriate sanctions on any person responsible for the alleged violations of judicial independence.
As can be seen, beyond what everyone might think, there were suspicions of interference by the Executive Branch in the Judiciary as of the date of these events, which were collected in international instances. Nor can this Tribunal fail to note that, as a result of the facts discussed in these hearings, and in light of the evidence that has been discussed here, Dr. Colombo took a step of great institutional significance, such as having filed a criminal complaint against Judge Borinsky in order to investigate whether any of these facts constituted or could constitute a crime of public action. The track record and background of Prosecutor Colombo, whose professional seriousness is out of the question, do not allow this information to be taken lightly.
As Ferrajoli once again points out “…the two parties in the case must contend in a position of
equality so that the impartiality of the judge is not even psychologically compromised by his imbalance of power and ambiguous solidarities, interferences, or confusions between prosecution functions and prosecution functions are not created” (p.583). The nature of the intervention adopted on
December 29, 2016, in the context that surrounded it, it was at least incompatible with the subsequent actions of those same judges, generating a reasonable fear of partiality that the defendants express, here today, in the form of a grievance.
Now, based on these premises, it can be concluded that a judicial act in a criminal proceeding that incurs the infringement of a constitutional norm, constituting in turn a guarantee -in case the independence and impartiality of the magistrate-, and/ or in the violation of an explicit prohibition contained in a norm of the same hierarchy -for example, allowing the interference of political power in judicial cases-, without a doubt, puts us before the hypothesis of a nullity assumption of a generic order, of a absolute and, at the same time, of virtual or implicit nullity, which will inexorably lead to its ineffectiveness and inability to produce the desired effects at the time of its issuance, extending this invalidity to all consecutive acts that depend on it (arts. 167 subsection 1° , 168, second paragraph and
172 of the CPPN).
In the words of Julio Maier "...the fact that the entire procedure consists, at least to a good extent, in a legislative regulation of constitutionally provided guarantees -or in international treaties, today with constitutional hierarchy between us- ( express condition of the absolute nature that is awarded to the effect and the corresponding annulment of the act) have led to determine judicially as a rule the absolute nullity, declarable ex officio -when according to the system, it is the exception- and the return of the procedure until the
faulty act." (see ob. cit. p.44). This, in the present case, means that the Defender Dr. Lucila Larrandart is right when, finishing her speech, she maintained that "...for this the cause must go back to May 2015, return to the archive and never come out again ”.
Conclusions. My adherence to the votes of the
In conclusion, I understand that it is not
it is necessary to delve into the technical legal issues that, according to the hypothesis of the complaint opportunely filed by the Prosecutor Alberto Nisman, postulate the existence of a link between the present proceedings, based on the signing of a Memorandum between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran in January 2013, and the attack on the AMIA headquarters, which occurred on July 18, 1994, since it does not constitute the object of this resolution, but it is enough to understand that the consequences of the AMIA case, that has been recognized as the "most complex in the judicial history of the country" (Rulings 332:1210) have been projected in innumerable files that, for different reasons, have not achieved -in general terms- a minimum standard of efficiency in what makes his investigation and judgment. What's more, all this judicial framework has undermined society's confidence in the institutions that make up our system of government, but particularly in those of us who are called to impart Justice. From this line, one of the purposes of criminal proceedings, in the words of Claus Roxin, is the restoration of legal peace that, more than a quarter of a century after the attack, does not seem to have been achieved.
The institutional significance of these failures exceeds the interest of the parties (relatives of the victims, whether they are complainants or not) and has provoked in society as a whole, a genuine and
reasonable disagreement with the judiciary, as a result of the impunity they perceive around those responsible for that blasting, but also because of the events of unparalleled institutional gravity aired in the different cases created around such a crime. We must stop here.
The first of the milestones is undoubtedly the sentence of the Federal Oral Court no. 3 in extenso of October 29, 2004, in which the annulment of all proceedings from the order that was issued on May 31, 1995, which ordered the investigation of the so-called “Brigades” case, was declared null and void. The invalidity of all proceedings was based on the violation of the guarantee of impartiality with the understanding that “the pseudo-investigation carried out by the magistrate judge, accompanied by national and provincial officials of Buenos Aires, only sought to give credibility and legality to an architecturally armed hypothesis” (see p. 2943 et seq. of the sentence handed down in case no. 487/00 “Telleldín, Carlos Alberto and others s/homicide qualified - attack on the A.M.I.A." and its accumulated numbers 496/00, 501/01 and 502/03). These irregularities, in the opinion of that Oral Court, were consented to and guided by the judge in the case, among which it is worth mentioning the investigative statement of July 5, 1996 provided by Telleldín in exchange for money (see p. 3060 of the judgment already cited). This nullifying temperament was later confirmed by Chamber II of the Criminal Cassation Chamber and by the CSJN in a partial way, since it left the section of the investigation safe from the exclusion rule, prior to the moment from which it had been considered that the cause was null.
A simple reading of what was the first relevant ruling on the issue alerts us to extraordinary situations that put into question the performance of its main judicial and governmental actors.
The matter does not end there. As a consequence of that sentence of the Federal Oral Court no. 3 a new cause was formed to investigate the irregularities there noted. After three years of oral and public trial, on September 28, 2019, the Federal Oral Court no. 2 described the facts that were the object of this process as constituting serious violations of Human Rights (arts. 31 and 75 inc. 22 of the National Constitution, 1 and 25 of the American Convention on Human Rights, I , II and IV of the "Convention on the Imprescriptibility of War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity", according to laws 24,584 and 25,778) and sentenced a judge for the crimes of embezzlement, prevarication, concealment for personal favor and rape means of evidence and two prosecutors for breach of the duties of the public official. It is not minor or indifferent data that in said case a former president of the Nation, in exercise of functions at the time of the bombing of the AMIA headquarters, who had also been accused, has been prosecuted (and finally acquitted). And that, furthermore, the federal judge who had been, at that time, the natural judge of the case, was sentenced to a severe custodial sentence. The institutional gravity is plain to see.
Finally, as a consequence of the decision of that Federal Oral Court no. 3 another event of institutional significance occurred: the creation of the UFIAMIA whose purpose was to assist in the processing of the case of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court 6 and in all others, which were related to that fact, as well as those related to the concealment or obstruction of the action of justice from which evidence leading to the same objective could emerge (see resolution PGN 84/04). On that occasion, two Prosecutors were appointed to lead that unit, one of
they are the late doctor Alberto Nisman, whose complaint gave rise to one of the causes that make up these actions.
The investigation into the attack that occurred in 1994, which is currently being processed, is delegated there. As a result of the decision adopted by the Supreme Court of Justice when it left the section of that investigation safe, which gave rise to the case followed by the delivery of the famous white van, whose debate culminated in December 2020, with the acquittal of Carlos Telleldín.
The seriousness of the issues discussed transcended the local sphere and brought as a consequence, under the presidency of the then President of the Nation, Néstor Carlos Kirchner, the acceptance of international responsibility before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights b>by the Argentine State and the recognition, in what is relevant here, of the existence of a concealment of the facts and a serious and deliberate breach of the function of adequate investigation of the crime (see record of dated March 4, 2005, signed at the hearing held within the framework of the 122nd regular session of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, in petition No. 12,204 from the registry of said Commission and PEN Decree No. 812/2005).
What has been stated so far demonstrates the instability of the judicial path that has characterized, in general, any case directly or indirectly linked to the attack on the A.M.I.A headquarters, while at the same time making visible the responsibility that weighs on this Court in the face of what that you are called upon to solve. Nor does it escape the undersigned that an attempt has been made to draw a line or hypothesis between the complaint that gave rise to case 777/2015 and the death of prosecutor Nisman. Thus, in the resolution issued by the Hon. Federal Chamber, in the vote of judges Martin Irurzun and Leopoldo Bruglia, it was said: "The moment in
that the crime was committed, the degree of organization evidenced and the breadth of coverage place the development of the event in a reasonable functional perspective, since all of them are presented as evidence of sufficient entity to seriously support the hypothesis that the fate of Natalio Alberto Nisman, who worked as Prosecutor of the Fiscal Unit for the Investigation of the Terrorist Attack perpetrated against the AMIA headquarters, was decided as a result of the nature, seriousness and scope of the complaint that he presented a few days before. (Considering IV).
In point VII. 5. a) of said resolution it can be read: “It cannot be overlooked that the murder of Dr. Nisman occurred four days after having made the aforementioned complaint and hours before going to expose it before the National Congress, a circumstance that logically obliges us to delve into the investigation in the probable understanding that the death of the Prosecutor occurred as a direct consequence of the specific action he adopted in the framework of his function, as head of the Prosecutor Investigation Unit of the terrorist attack perpetrated against the AMIA headquarters.
The background described, in short, the enormous seriousness of the many hypotheses that have been woven on the occasion of the MOU, cannot be omitted in the analysis that must be carried out by this Court regarding the motions for annulment filed by the parties, especially those that again involve judicial action, the interference of the National Executive Power in a judicial investigation and the independence and impartiality of the magistrates at key moments of this investigation
Experience indicates that holding another debate of the span of the one that should be held in in which more than three hundred witnesses have been admitted witnesses, without clearing the
presentations filed, would once again generate an expectation that would certainly be frustrated if its result, after another extensive and exhausting oral and public trial, were a new annulment not dealt with, despite being notified to the Court before the start of the debate. In addition, it would imply unnecessary and avoidable suffering for the people who are accused.
But there's more. As rightly pointed out in the vote of the Compelled judge, Interpol canceled the notifications in 2005 as a result of the declaration of nullity of the AMIA case decreed by the Federal Oral Court no. 3, since Interpol considered that the legal validity of the criminal procedure had been affected, which would be the enabling budget for the publication of red notices under the terms of art. 81 of the Regulation of said entity. Consequently, there being substantive reasons to resolve the fate of this case, I consider it risky that it be decided on the basis of the annulment motion introduced by the parties, as the bound judge rightly points out "not for lack of entity of that one", but in order to avoid any risk for said "red notices", in a case in which a cover-up action is accused, precisely referring to the 1994 attack in which the Iranians object of such alerts are still accused and investigated. .
This was also the spirit of what was resolved on June 18 when, given the tenor of the proposals, the institutional inconvenience of advancing without previously resolving them was repaired. There, the moment in which the annulments had been filed was considered, that is, the prelude to the debate and the need for them to be dealt with "without delay, exhaustively, self-sufficiently and definitively".
Throughout these hearings, other issues (substantive) have been addressed and in relation to which this Court has been requested to
Review in advance of any further decision to move to an oral and public trial. On them, my colleagues have poured medulous and extensive votes, to which I will refer, to share them in substance, as well as the solution they propose, without prejudice to the clarifications and emphasis on some points that are detailed below.
Summarizing, I adhere to the votes of my colleagues, first of all Judge Daniel Obligado, in particular points III and IV of his presentation, to which I add, highlighting, what the current Ambassador expressed in these hearings Argentine in Moscow, Dr. Eduardo Zuaín, when he said: "(all of this) has affected and affects the image of the Argentine Republic (...) how calmly is a foreign diplomat going to sit down to talk with an Argentine diplomat knowing that that conversation can be horrible proof of the crime of treason, which is what happened and what happened to me; Personally, I was part of a diplomatic delegation that had two conversations with the Iranian counterpart, but they were not hidden, it was with the day, time, place and published with press releases before and after both meetings, official releases from the Foreign Ministry. Well, those meetings were put up as blatant tangible proof of treason. How calmly would a foreign diplomat sit then, thinking "I can't talk to you because at any moment I'll end up in an Argentine criminal court" and it also caused damage, an impact on the daily work of Argentine diplomats, because today will say, thanks to this process, the phrase "I do not want to go through Comodoro Py" is installed, so the telephone is preferred to the mail and the personal mail is preferred to the official mail and the official means is preferred to an official communication that can be the cables from an embassy or a memo. It is avoided by all possible means to use the officiality, the means that the career gives us, because
They are afraid that this will happen to them, because they saw the official communiqués from the Foreign Ministry in the country's most widely circulated newspapers (published), but they also saw the official email from the Vice Foreign Minister as irrefutable proof of "treason against the homeland." With what force can we ask those who are beginning their diplomatic career to risk an opinion or to start a diplomatic conversation with another country if it can end calmly and quickly as I have just described, in an oral trial, prosecuted (...) that has also done enormous damage to the race."
It is imperative, I believe, that legal peace be reestablished quickly, in all instances that have to intervene, and with absolute clarity, once and for all, in this case.
I also adhere and endorse the reasons stated by Judge Michilini in his vote, especially those referring to the application of art. 361 CPPN; to the approval of the Memorandum in accordance with the internal provisions and applicable international law; unilateral acts of the contracting states; and everything that he has developed from his analysis of subsequent political acts.
Likewise, and in reinforcement of the arguments expressed by both referring to the relevance of issuing ourselves in advance, I want to expressly state my position -which does not disagree at all with that of my colleagues- regarding the requirements, which I consider fulfilled, for treat as a Court the different proposals brought by the Defenses as exceptions of lack of action.
In this sense, it should be remembered that the article
361 of the CPPN –in what is relevant here- alludes to the following supervening circumstance: the existence of new evidence by which it is evident that the accused acted in a state of non-imputability, or there exists or supervenes an extinctive cause of the criminal action and to verify it debate is not necessary (highlighting belongs to me), situations in which
it corresponds to dictate the dismissal.
Regarding the processing of this case, I must first refer to the repeated reports sent by Interpol in 2020 to this Court and to the Prosecutor in the case, from whose reading it can be extracted that its Secretary General Jürgen Stock , definitively sealed the possibility that both Ronald Noble and Joel Sollier would testify as witnesses in a possible debate.
This decision of the body, which is based on its interpretation of the duty of neutrality contained in art. 3 of its Statute is relevant, for the purposes that are of interest here, not only because of its content, which in a way was already included in the case since long ago, but because it implies that the possibility of receiving testimonial statements from Joel Sollier and Ronald Noble. Neither now, nor in anticipation of the trial, nor in a conjectural debate, taking into account the terms used: "The General Secretariat wishes to recall, as it has done in previous requests, that both INTERPOL and its staff enjoy privileges and immunities, among which are included the inviolability of official files and documents, as well as immunity from jurisdiction for acts carried out in the exercise of their official functions. Likewise, the General Secretariat wishes to reiterate that the organization will not intervene in judicial instances related to this case. This position is constant, as the Argentine authorities have been reminded on numerous occasions”, and refers to the communication sent to this Tribunal. So that holding it, in the future, will yield little in this regard, since the statements that are added as informative evidence will have to be valued, now and/or in the future, for their current and immanent content. These reports also settled another core issue in this case and that is that the red alerts opportunely imposed continue to be in force without a doubt, since
The current Secretary General of INTERPOL told us: “The General Secretariat would like to take this opportunity to assure you of the status of the red notices published in this case after the decision of the General Assembly at its 76th session (Marrakech , 2007) remains unchanged. Therefore, Red Notices remain registered in INTERPOL's databases and are visible to all member states."
To clear up any doubt, it is worth considering the forcefulness of these new elements, especially the letter sent to the Public Prosecutor's Office:
There is also a second new and supervening element: the dismissal that Judge Martínez de Giorgi issued to Ronald Noble on October 14, 2020.
Yes, as they have been postulating at least the
claims, Ronald Noble must be seen as a central cog in the hypothetical cover-up, so his dismissal has a direct relevance in this case; It is a new probative element, which took place during the term of the supplementary instruction (which is not yet exhausted), and must be valued in the terms recently expressed by Chamber I of the CFCP in the case popularly called "Future Dollar ”, given that what was decided there affects the manifest atypicality of the facts that are the subject of this case.
In another order of ideas and always in light of the procedural norm that is cited here, all the disquisitions that can be made regarding the objectives, the legal nature and the effects of the MOU, as an instrument of international law; the legal nature of the "Truth Commissions"; the binding or merely recommendatory nature of their opinions, are all matters of pure law. In this way, the holding of oral and public debate can offer nothing in this regard, which enables us, of course, to assess them in advance.
The same occurs with the accusation related to the crime of "treason against the homeland" that even today is still sustaining one of the complaints, at its request. I think that in this case it is explained in the most obvious way that the feasibility of enabling the instance of art. 361 CPPN, to clear up the claim that the conducts charged under the heading of "treason" are manifestly atypical; if there was a conflagration; if it was about acts of aid to the "enemy", in the extravagant terms supported by the late judge Bonadío, especially if we note that in the corresponding offer of evidence, the accusing party that maintains this legal qualification, did not offer any evidence that seems designed to prove such a serious accusation.
Therefore, even though the proposals for annulment of all proceedings filed by the Defenses are pertinent (directed against the decision issued on December 29, 2016 in case no. 777/2015 by which the CFCP, Chamber I, annulled the dismissal of the complaint that gave rise to the process (January 2015), and that ordered the referral of the case to a new magistrate for its continuation, and of all the proceedings in case No. 14305/2015 and its accumulated number 14383/2015, from its inception and up to the
May 30, 2017, the date on which the unified procedure for both was ordered, was null and void; and everything that has been done as of May 30, 2017; for having violated the guarantee of an impartial judge that derives from the implicit rights of art. 33 of the National Constitution, due process and defense in court (art. 18 of the National Constitution, expressly enshrined in articles: 26 of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, 14.1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights , 8.1 of the American Convention on Human Rights, 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights), I agree with my colleagues that, first and foremost, the examination of the issues of prior and special pronouncement, of substance, that have been brought to consideration, to which I refer in honor of brevity and for which, in essence, we arrived at the following unanimous conviction: the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran, regardless of whether it is considered a success or political mistake, it did not constitute a crime.
In short, on one side or the other, I agree with my colleagues that a dismissal should be declared with respect to all the accused persons, expressly mentioning that the formation of this case did not affect the case in any way. his good name and honor (art. 336, sub.3, and final paragraph, C.P.P.N.), this last mention, which I consider should reach the former Chancellor of the Argentine Republic,
Héctor Timerman, as expressly requested, and notwithstanding the opportunely decreed extinction of the criminal action due to death. This is so, because his personal career deserves it, and especially because of the particular nature of the processing of this case, especially the unfair and unnecessary preventive detention that was ordered, which had a more infamous purpose than procedural. Such is my vote.
I. Introduction to the problem raised
On September 2, 2004, in the framework of case No. 487/00, titled “Telleldín, Carlos Alberto and another s/ homicide”, the Federal Criminal Oral Court No. 3 of this Federal Capital , decided to declare the annulment of all the proceedings in the trial that was carried out to determine criminal responsibility for the attack suffered by the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) in Buenos Aires, on July 18, 1994, which caused the death of 85 people and left more than
150 wounded. As a consequence of that decision, the Court was forced to dismiss certain defendants who were part of what was called the “local connection” that would have participated in the perpetration of the attack against the AMIA headquarters.
The annulment and the consequent dismissal decreed against the Argentine defendants brought as a consequence the interruption, by Interpol, of the notifications of international capture that weighed in the case against the rest of the foreign defendants –mostly of nationality Iranian – who were not legally affected by the annulment and, therefore, their arrest warrants remained in force and they remained at large.
Reassigned the investigation of the case already under No. 8566/1996 to the National Court in
Federal Criminal and Correctional No. 6 of the Federal Capital –after dismissing judges Juan José Galeano and Claudio Bonadío–, Judge Rodolfo Canicoba Corral summoned eight defendants of Iranian nationality and one Lebanese nationality: Ali Akbar Hashemi Bahramaie Rafsanjani –President of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the time of the attack on the AMIA headquarters–, Ali Fallahijian –Minister of the Interior, Security and Intelligence at the time of the attack–, Ali Akbar Velayati –Minister of Foreign Affairs–, Mohsen Rezai –Head of the Revolutionary Guard of the Islamic Republic of Iran–, Ahmad Vahidi –Head of the Al Quds Force and Iranian Defense Minister, currently Minister of the Interior of that country–, Mohsen Rabbani –Cultural Attaché of the Iranian Embassy in Argentina–, Hadi Soleimanpour – Iranian ambassador in Argentina–, Admad Reza Asghari – third secretary of the Iranian embassy in Argentina– and Imad Fawaz Moughnieh – a Lebanese citizen and head of Hezbollah's Foreign Service at the time of the attack against the headquarters of the AMIA-. Not having appeared before the Argentine courts, and after declaring the attack on the AMIA headquarters a crime against humanity, on November 9, 2006, the Argentine magistrate ordered the national and international capture of those named in order to impose the charges against them. against him – an act impossible to do without according to Argentine procedural laws – for eighty-five aggravated homicides and more than one hundred and fifty cases of minor and serious injuries, as well as aggravated damages. To this end, the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran were urged to facilitate the detention for the purpose of extradition of those named and, as regards the present case, the Interpol Department of the Argentine Federal Police to urge the international police cooperation for his capture. As a consequence, the Buenos Aires National Central Office
Aires de Interpol proceeded to request the issuance of
"red notices" against those required.
The process of processing international arrests led to a new intervention by Interpol, beginning a long contentious administrative process before the entity, between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran, because the latter country refused to extradite to its citizens required by Argentine justice. After intense efforts by the Argentine government and the Prosecutor in charge of UFI-AMIA, Alberto Nisman, on January 22, 2007, the Executive Committee of Interpol endorsed the publication request of the OCN Buenos Aires. This decision, which was appealed by Iran, ended up being confirmed on November 7 by the General Assembly of the body that ordered the registration of their arrest requests, although only in relation to five of the nine required. In this way, the arrest warrants were incorporated into Interpol's I-24/7 system, which were registered as a "red notice" in relation to Fallahijian, Rezai, Vahidi, Rabbani, Asghari and Moughnieh. This meant that priority was given to the search for citizens in any part of the world, thus perfecting the international capture procedure ordered by the Argentine justice system.
Despite the validity and publicity of the international arrests, until now it has not been possible to summon the foreign defendants and, regardless of the assessments that may fit regarding their degree of progress, the investigation into the AMIA case has not it could be brought to trial as a result of the non-appearance of the foreign defendants and the impossibility of investigating them.
On January 27, 2013, the Argentine and Iranian authorities announced the signing of a bilateral agreement signed by the Foreign Ministers of both countries in the city of Addis Ababa, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, in order to
facilitate the judicial cooperation of the government of Iran in the AMIA case that would allow the questioning in Tehran of the suspects sought by the Argentine justice system, thus giving rise to the so-called "Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran on issues related to the terrorist attack on the AMIA headquarters in Buenos Aires on July 18, 1994” –hereinafter “Memorandum” or “Memorandum of Understanding”–. Said instrument had to be approved by both countries through the bodies constitutionally empowered to do so.
Despite prompt approval by the Argentine Congress, the Memorandum of Understanding was prosecuted in our country by the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) and the Argentine Israelite Mutual Delegation (DAIA). As a consequence of this, on May 15, 2014, revoking the first instance decision, Chamber I of the Federal Criminal and Correctional Chamber of the Federal Capital admitted the deducted amparo action and declared the unconstitutionality of the international treaty.
In order to decide, the Chamber considered, in substance, that with the signing and approval of the Memorandum of Understanding, the Executive Power and the National Congress exceeded their constitutional powers assuming specific commitments and obligations on the AMIA case whose exclusive jurisdiction corresponds to the natural judges of the case, pointing out that the action of the so-called "truth commission" provided for in the bilateral agreement, on the one hand, constituted an undue interference in the sphere of action of the Judiciary within the framework of an already existing process and, on the other, it violated the right to the truth provided for in the American Convention on Human Rights by excluding the victims and family members of the AMIA attack from participation (cf.: case CFP 3184/2013/CA1, titled " AMIA s/ Amparo-Law 16.986”,
judge Farah's vote (Consid.: Fourth, point “I”, and Sixth, point “I”); id vote of judge Ballestero (Consids.: XIII to XVI); available at (https://www.cij.gov.ar/nota–13397–La–C–mara–Federal– declar––la–inconstitutionalidad–del–Memor–ndum–con–Ir– n–.html at 29 /09/21). The decision, which was initially appealed by the National State, was subsequently withdrawn by the State's lawyers and became final on December 22, 2015.
On January 14, 2015, the Prosecutor in charge of UFI AMIA, Alberto Nisman, criminally denounced the existence of a complex “criminal plan” to cover up by the Argentine authorities against the Iranian citizens accused of the attack on the headquarters of the AMIA giving rise to case No. 777/2015, pending before the federal criminal and correctional courts of this city. The representative of the Public Ministry affirmed that the true purpose of the Memorandum of Understanding would not have been to create an opening channel to clarify the attack on the AMIA, but to provide an impunity mechanism to divert the investigation, erase the responsibility of the accused Iranian citizens and bring down the international arrest warrants against them.
The investigation of the denounced cover-up was initially in charge of the Federal Investigating Judge, Daniel Rafecas who, despite mediating an investigation request from the Public Prosecutor's Office, on February 26, 2015, dismissed in limine , due to the absence of a crime, the complaint of the UFI-AMIA holder, under the terms of art. 180 CPPN. The decision was confirmed on March 26 of that same year by Room I of the Federal Chamber of this city and, despite the appeal for Cassation deducted by the Prosecutor before the Federal Chamber, the appeal ended up being withdrawn by Mr. Cassation Prosecutor, Javier Augusto de Luca.
On December 21, 2015, two new denunciations of cover-up were filed regarding the Memorandum, by Messrs. Santiago Nicolás Dupuy de Lome –made orally before the Federal Chamber of this Capital– and José Lucas Magioncalda, respectively giving rise to case file No. 14,305/2015 and file No. 14,383/2015, which were processed before Federal Court No. 11 in charge of Judge Claudio Bonadío and which were framed by the complainants in the crime of treason.
Having been firm the declaration of unconstitutionality of the Memorandum, on August 2, 2016 the Delegation of Argentine Israeli Associations (DAIA) presented itself through its then president, Mr. Ariel Cohen Saban, as complainant in the original cause started by him
Prosecutor Nisman
(pages 3403/3419 of records) and requested
the
reopening of
the investigation, with the argument
of
there are two new facts that would not have been present in the original investigation. On the one hand, a recording was provided of a telephone conversation that would have taken place between the then Argentine Foreign Minister, Amb. Héctor Timerman and the President of the AMIA, Mr. Guillermo Borger and, on the other, the firmness of the declaration of unconstitutionality of the Memorandum by the Argentine justice was informed. The presentation did not change the criteria of Judge Rafecas who, on August 5, 2016, ratified the non-existence of a crime in the case and, in this way, dismissed the claim (see, fs. 3415/3425) and, also, certified public at: (https://www.cij.gov.ar/nota– 22621–El–juez–Rafecas–no–hizo–lugar–a–un–pedido–de–la–DAIA–para–que–se– reopen–the–investigation–by–the–complaint–presented–by–the–prosecutorNisman.html to 09/29/21). The ruling was again confirmed, by majority, on September 26, 2016 by Chamber I of the Federal Chamber (the ruling can be verified at: (http://www.saij.gob.ar/confirman-rechazo-reapertura- causa -tax-complaint at 09/29/21).
The case was brought before the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation, this time by the DAIA as complainant and despite the new withdrawal of the Public Prosecutor's Office before that instance (see, fs. 3597/3607) on December 29, In 2016, Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber decided to revoke the decision and, after accepting the DAIA as complainant, ordered the reopening of the investigation initiated by Prosecutor Alberto Nisman and removed all the magistrates involved in the case.
By decision of the Presidency of the Federal Chamber of the Federal Capital, the case ended unified in file No. 14.305/2015 whose investigation was in charge of Judge Claudio Bonadío. Once the investigation was resumed by the aforementioned magistrate, the list of defendants was expanded and Cristina Elisabet Fernández de Kirchner, Héctor Timerman, Carlos Zannini, Oscar Parrilli, Eduardo Zuain, Juan Martín Mena, Angelina Abbona, Andrés Larroque, Luis D'Elía, Fernando Esteche, Jorge Khalil and Ramón Héctor Alan Bogado, who ended up being prosecuted as perpetrators of the crimes of treason, aggravated concealment and functional hindrance, a decision that was partially confirmed, on December 21, 2017, by Chamber II of the Federal Chamber, which suppressed the charge of treason and incorporated the figure of abuse of authority (see pages 9152/9174).
On March 5, 2018, the case was partially brought to trial in relation to the twelve defendants already mentioned, under the accusation of concealment aggravated by the preceding act and
–in the corresponding cases– due to the status of public officials of the perpetrators, hindrance of a functional act and abuse of authority, crimes that concur ideally (articles 54, 277, subsection 1 “a” and 3 “a ”, “d”; 241, paragraph 2 and
248 of the Code. Penal). At the same time, the magistrate
reserved a part of the investigation to continue its investigation in relation to other defendants.
Now, based on the factual platform described, and considering the arguments of the respective defenses whose treatment summons us, reasons of logic advise starting the treatment of the case by examining the nullifying argument to, where appropriate, continue the study of the cause addressing the treatment of the exceptions of lack of action due to the absence of crime.
In the understanding described, it will be necessary to remember that the judges are not obliged to treat each and every one of the arguments of the parties, but only those that they deem pertinent for the resolution of the case (cf.: CSJN, Rulings: 329 :3373; 329:1951; 327:3157; 326:475; 325:1922; 324:3421;
324:2460; 322:270; 307:951; 303:135; 302:1191;
301:602; 301:970; 300:1163; 300:522; among many
others).
Thus, opportunely the defenses of Andrés Larroque, Oscar Parrilli and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, each by their own presentations, requested the declaration of nullity of the decision issued on December 29, 2016, by Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber and all the actions taken accordingly, I submit that it had the support of the rest of the defendants. On the one hand, they denounced that the two judges who were subrogating the Chamber at that time had held regular meetings with the then head of the National Executive Power, President Mauricio Macri, both in the Government House and in the presidential residence in Olivos, some of which they would have taken place even a few days before the pronouncement in crisis. Based on a journalistic report, it was also indicated that one of the two questioned magistrates would have provided legal advice to one of the lawsuits in order to articulate the presentation that culminated in the
decision to reopen the case, violating in both cases the guarantees of impartiality and judicial independence that automatically entailed the annulment of the decision and all the actions taken as a consequence.
According to the criteria of the defenses, the visits or meetings held between two of the three Cassation judges who signed the reopening of this case and the then President of the Nation constitute a violation of the guarantee of impartiality, either by the sole influence that could have been exercised in said meetings over the judges to decide on the case or, even when this had not taken place, due to the mere fear of partiality that it generates towards the defendants herein.
In the conditions in which it has been deduced, the nullifying proposal is upheld against the very constitution of the court that had to hear in the appeal which led to the decision of December 29, 2016 (art. 167, inc. 1 CPPN).
Now, we must keep in mind that annulment is an instrument to protect the right of defense. For this reason, “[i]nly when some vice, defect or omission arises that has deprived the person who invokes it of the exercise of some power, affecting the guarantee in question, there is a configurative defenselessness of nullity (...) Its origin is limited by the degree of affectation of that guarantee.” (cf.: Francisco J. D'Albora, "Criminal Procedure Code", Ed. Abeledo-Perrot, 8th ed., Bs.As., 2009, p. 249). The Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation has said that in terms of procedural annulments a restrictive interpretation criterion should prevail and proceedings can only be annulled when the vice causes irreparable damage that has transcendence on the guarantee of the defense in court or is translated to the detriment of some other right to prevent the annulment from becoming an empty formalism in
detriment to the idea of justice and the prompt termination of the processes, where the interest of public order is also combined (CSJN, Rulings: 342:624 – 2019–; 342:1125 –2019–; 339:480 – 2019–;334:1081–
2011–; 325:1404 –2002– and 323:929 –2000–, among others).
As a consequence of this, the need to apply these precepts prudently becomes imperative, since the circumstance of admitting removal of magistrates with an excessively broad criteria could lead to the disintegration of the courts established by the Constitution as natural judges of the cause, thus blocking the proper functioning of the Judiciary, by removing from the hearing of the case those who are, in principle, the natural judges, that is, those "appointed by law before the fact of the cause" (art. 18 National Constitution). For this reason, the principles of conservation and transcendence place the relevance of the flawed act as the central guideline to verify the existence of a grievance directly linked to due process (CSJN, Rulings: 342:624 –2019–).
We are very aware that the right to be heard by an independent and impartial court constitutes a basic nucleus of fundamental rights, inseparable from due process, and without which the guarantee of defense in court, recognized by article 18 of the National Constitution, it would be a purely nominal right.
In addition to being protected by articles 18 and 33 of the Fundamental Law, the guarantee of impartiality has become a provision explicitly accepted within the block of federal constitutionality, showing special relevance among the International Human Rights Treaties that, since 1994, have constitutional hierarchy in our country (art. 75, sub. 22, National Constitution). Thus, faithful testimony of this is provided by Article XXVI of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man, when
provides that: “[t]he person accused of a crime has the right to an impartial and public hearing; Article 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, by stipulating that: "[e]very person has the right, in conditions of full equality, to be heard publicly and fairly by an independent and impartial tribunal, for the determination of their rights and obligations or for the examination of any accusation against it in criminal matters.”; Article 14.1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, insofar as it provides that: "[e]very person shall have the right to a public hearing and with due guarantees by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal, established by law, in the substantiation of any accusation of a criminal nature made against her or for the determination of her rights or obligations of a civil nature” and, in turn, Article 8.1 of the American Convention on Human Rights, insofar as it stipulates that: “[a]ll The person has the right to be heard, with due guarantees and within a reasonable time, by a competent, independent and impartial judge or court, previously established by law, in the substantiation of any criminal accusation”.
The Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation held: "That the guarantee of impartiality of the judge is one of the pillars on which our trial system rests, since it is a direct manifestation of the accusatory principle and the defense guarantees in trial and due process, in its connection with the judicial organization guidelines of the State” (CSJN, Rulings: 328:1491, cons.9).
Fairness is one of the pillars of due process because, as the British courts have stated, “it is of fundamental importance not only to do justice, but to show that justice is done, manifestly and impartially.” (cfr. Court of King's Bench, in re "The King v. Sussex Justices, ex parte McCarthy", 9/11/1923, opinion of Lord Hewart, Law
Reports, King's Bench Division, 1924, Vol. 1, p. 256, see especially p. 259, (available at: (https://www.iclr.co.uk/wpcontent/uploads/media/vote/1 915–1945/McCarthy_kb1924–1–256.pdfal at 09/29/21).
It is that, although it is true that the judge should not necessarily pursue the consensus of the majority "he must, however, have the confidence of the specific subjects he judges, so that they not only do not have, but even harbor the fear of having an enemy judge or in any way not impartial.” (CSJN, in re “Llerena”, Judgments: 328:1491 – 2005–, Consideration 24).
Thus, taking into account arguments that serve as a platform for the present case, the Supreme Court of Brazil has indicated on March 23, 2021, that "judicial impartiality is enshrined as one of the bases to guarantee the due legal process” and, at the same time, “it is essential to consider defense arguments, since in a situation where the judge has previously adhered to the accusation, there is no possibility of an effective defense”. He added there that "the personal interest that the magistrate reveals in a certain prosecution procedure, adopting measures that go beyond the orthodoxy of the means that the positive system makes available to the public powers, transforms the activity of the magistrate into an activity of real criminal prosecution” (Supreme Federal Court of Brazil, “Habeas Corpus presented in favor of Luis Inacio Lula Da Silva”, case No. HC 164493, opinion of Judge Gilmar Mendes to which Judges Ricardo Lewandowski and Cármen Lúcia adhered, available at ( https://jurisprudencia.stf.jus.br/pages/search/sjur44 7799/false al 09/29/21)).
For this reason, "[t]he guarantee of objectivity of the jurisdiction is a procedural principle of the rule of law that, currently, is elevated to the rank of Fundamental Law and whose observance is judged by legal convictions
dominants in an especially severe way.” (CSJN, in re “Llerena”, op. cit., Consideration 19).
The impartiality of the judge can be defined as the "absence of prejudices or interests of the latter in the case that must be decided, both in relation to the parties and the matter." (Idem, Consideration 10).
Following the guidelines of the European Court of Human Rights, which in this matter have been assumed by both the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, “[i]f impartiality is ordinarily defined by the absence of prejudice or partiality, its existence can be appreciated (...) in various ways.” In this way, “it is possible to distinguish between a subjective aspect, which tries to ascertain the personal conviction of a specific judge in a specific case, and an objective aspect, which refers to whether he offers sufficient guarantees to exclude any reasonable doubt in this regard. ” (European Court of Human Rights, case “Piersack v. Belgium”, judgment of October 1, 1982, para. 30, available at (http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i=001–16517 3 09/29/21)).
The impartiality of the court implies that its members do not have a direct interest, a position taken, a preference for any of the parties and that they are not involved in the controversy. This, since the judge must appear to be acting without being subject to direct or indirect influence, encouragement, pressure, threat or interference (cf.: Principle 2 of the Basic Principles of the United Nations, relative to the Independence of the Judiciary ).
From the objective aspect, impartiality implies the verification of elements that, although they do not necessarily prove indubitably the lack of impartiality of the judge, "authorize to harbor
doubts” regarding it, “regardless of what he thought internally” (doctrine replicated by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation in “Quiroga”, Rulings: 327:5863 –2004– Consideration 27; ID “Alonso”, Rulings: 330: 1457 –2007–).
Preliminarily, although I must say that I share the arguments of the Attorney General regarding the denounced and proven meetings do not constitute evidence that automatically leads to the removal of the judges who led them and the consequent nullity of the decisions adopted as a consequence, I understand, however, that, in the context that surrounded the case, they could count on the entity to generate a fear of partiality. Since although a President of the Nation is not a subject technically interested in the process under the terms of art. 56 CPPN, such a circumstance does not constitute an obstacle to constitute itself as an element susceptible to nullity attack if the influence that it can exert is proven. In this way, when there is an adequate reason to justify the distrust of his impartiality, the judge can be removed from the case without the need to prove an indubitable partiality, it being enough "with the fact that the suspicion of it can be introduced according to a reasonable assessment" (CSJN, in re “Llerena”, Judgments: 328:1491 –2005–, Consideration 22).
Even though by hypothesis the inhibition of the magistrates to act in a case should adhere to the concept of interested party, contained in article 56 of the ritual, it should be noted that the nullifying statement was placed not only on the lack of impartiality, but also, in the absence of independence. Thus, the respective defenses understood that the meetings of the two magistrates with the then head of the National Executive Power could have violated the guarantee of judicial independence, also protected by the aforementioned conventional norms and by an express constitutional provision that prohibits the Power
Executive “assume knowledge of pending cases” as well as “reestablish the expired ones” (art. 109 CN).
It is therefore appropriate to explain, as the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has observed, that even when the guarantees of independence and impartiality are related, each of them has its own legal content.
Thus, judicial independence constitutes one of the main objectives of the separation of powers whose purpose is "to prevent the judicial system in general and its members in particular from being subjected to possible undue restrictions in the exercise of their function by of bodies outside the Judiciary or even by those magistrates who exercise review or appeal functions” (Inter-American Court of Human Rights – hereinafter I/A Court HR–, case “Apitz Barbera et al.
-“First Court of Administrative Litigation”- v. Venezuela. Preliminary Objection, Merits, Reparations and Costs”, Judgment of August 5, 2008, Series C, no. 182, para. 55; id case "Reveron Trujillo v. Venezuela. Preliminary Objection, Merits, Reparations and Costs”, Judgment of June 30, 2009, Series C, no. 197, para. 67; case “Chocrón Chocrón v. Venezuela. Preliminary Objection, Merits, Reparations and Costs”, Judgment of July 1, 2011, Series C, no. 227, para. 97; case “Atala Riffo and Girls v. Chili. Merits, Reparations and Costs”, Judgment of February 24, 2012, Series C, no. 239, para. 186 and
“case of
Court
Constitutional -Camba Campos and
others- v.
Ecuador.
Preliminary Objections, Merits,
Reparations and Costs”, Judgment of August 28, 2013, Series C, no. 268, para. 188).
Among the guarantees that arise from judicial independence, in addition to an adequate appointment process and tenure in office, is "the guarantee against external pressure" (I/A Court HR, "Reverón Trujillo v. Venezuela" cases, ob .cit.,
para. 70, “Chocrón Chocrón v. Venezuela”, op. cit., para. 98, “case of the Supreme Court of Justice
-Quintana Coello and others- v. Ecuador, Exception
Foreword, Background,
Reparations and Costs”,
Sentence
August 23,
2013, Series C, no. 266,
para. 144
and case “López Lone et al. v. Honduras. Preliminary Objection, Merits, Reparations and Costs”, Judgment of October 5, 2015, Series C, no. 302, paras. 191 and 195). In addition to reinforcing the independence of the magistrates and the justice system, it is a guarantee specifically aimed at the "appearance of independence vis-à-vis the defendant and society".
In this way, judges must resolve the matters submitted to them based on the facts and in accordance with the law, without any restriction and without influence, encouragement, pressure, threats or undue interference, whether direct or indirectly, from any sector or for any reason (I/A Court HR, “Reverón Trujillo v. Venezuela” case, op. cit., para. 80; “Chocrón Chocrón
v. Venezuela”, op. cit., para.100; case “Atala Riffo and Girls v. Chile”, op. cit., para. 186; “Case of the Supreme Court of Justice v. Ecuador”, op. cit., para. 146; “Case of the Constitutional Court v. Ecuador”, op. cit., para. 190).
As a consequence of the foregoing, although articles 55 and 56 of the CPPN have stipulated the operational framework of the guarantee of impartiality, by means of which the respective reasons for inhibition of the magistrates involved in criminal proceedings must be made effective, the Treatment of the case cannot also take place outside the guarantee of judicial independence and that, although there is no direct procedural provision for its protection, it has a profile independent of the guarantee of impartiality and has a constitutional and conventional mandate that grants automatic operability. In addition, the old doctrine of the "Siri" case with which the Supreme Court of
National Justice launched the amparo action. He then argued that immediate verification is enough for a violated constitutional guarantee to be restored by the judges in its entirety "without the inexistence of a law that regulates it being able to be argued to the contrary", since "individual guarantees exist and protect individuals by the mere fact of being established by the Constitution and regardless of the regulatory laws” (CSJN, Rulings: 239: 459 –1957–p. 463).
In this context, it is not a disputed fact that between December 22, 2015 and September 22, 2019, the two Cassation magistrates who decided the resolution whose annulment is requested would have attended twenty-five times to meet with the then head of the National Executive Power (see table "Accredited visits by Drs. Hornos and Borinsky to the Casa Rosada and the Olivos Residence and resolutions questioned in cases Nos. 777/2015 and 14,305/2015", authored by the Public Ministry, exhibited by the Attorney General in "Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and others s/ incident of nullity", 4th hearing of August 18, 2021, available at:
(https://www.youtube.com/watchv=t3VfBELaJbI, see specifically, 1:31:38 to 09/29/21).
On the other hand, we cannot ignore that it was the Attorney General himself in the case file, who granted credibility to one of the two founding facts of the nullifying proposal when, under the terms of art.
174 CPPN, requested that a criminal investigation be granted to determine if there was legal advice in this same case towards one of the complaints in the proceedings, by one of the magistrates of the Court of Cassation who decided to reopen of these proceedings, on December 29, 2016. The complaint gave rise to case No. 5046/2021, titled “Borinsky, Mariano s/ abuse of authority and violation of official duties
public (art. 248 CP) complainant: Attorney General No.
8 before the TOF" that is currently being processed before the Criminal and Correctional Court No.
7 of this jurisdiction, in charge of Judge Sebastián Casanello, Prosecutor's Office No. 1, temporarily in charge of Prosecutor Ramiro González. For their part, the visits between the judges and the former President of the Nation are also the subject of a judicial investigation in case No. 1000/2021, titled “Macri, Mauricio and another (Horns, Gustavo) s / investigation of crime, plaintiff: Soria, Martín (Tailahade and others)” currently in process before the Criminal and Correctional Court No. 8, secretariat No. 15 of this jurisdiction. In this case, when formulating the instruction requirement provided for in art. 180 CPPN, the representative of the Public Prosecutor's Office maintained that "[t]hese meetings between the former President of the Nation and the Chamber Judge were the occasion for undue influence on the part of the former for the resolution of judicial cases." ”.
Thus then and in the conditions described, the facts denounced are revealed as potentially suitable for, at least, studying in due depth and in the appropriate procedural framework, the impact that such conduct could have had -if it did – in relation to the present case. Which, moreover, is already happening in federal investigative courts in this city.
However, although it is not possible to ignore the suspicions that could have implied in the eyes of the defendants the behaviors of the characteristics of those described, since, if they had known about them at the time, perhaps they would have allowed them to raise the recusal of the magistrates mentioned before the unorthodox conduct of visits to who then exercised the first magistracy of the Nation; however, it should be taken into account that there are two judicial investigations in process that, eventually, make it possible to determine whether there has been
any conduct and/or undue influence on the part of or towards any of the two magistrates questioned by the defenses, ruling in this instance would be, moreover, inopportune and useless.
This is all the more so, as we will see, when I will have to propose to my colleagues an analysis on the scope of the typical conformation of the behaviors assumed here as criminal hypotheses.
From this perspective and once the nullifying proposal has been overcome to resolve the case, not due to its lack of entity, but rather, and because in my opinion it is appropriate to analyze in depth the unsustainability of the factual typicity, in light of the body of evidence collected in the case to date, we will have to enter the treatment of the defenses regarding the possible lack of action.
With the exception of the extinctive causes of the criminal action, the investigation stage constitutes as a rule the natural procedural opportunity to pronounce the total or partial dismissal , ex officio or at the request of a party (art. 334 CPPN) in the event that some of the circumstances provided for in article 336 CPPN take place, that is, when the judge notices that the criminal action has been extinguished (art. 336, inc. 1), that the fact investigated was not committed (art. 336, sub. 2) or that it does not fit into a legal figure (art. 336, sub. 3), that the crime was not committed by the accused (art. 336 , sub. 4) or when there is a cause of justification, non-imputation or an acquittal excuse (art. 336, sub. 5).
Once the trial stage has begun, as established in article 361 of the ritual, the dismissal may take place when the analysis of the evidence clearly proves the
non-imputability of the accused, when an extinctive cause of the criminal action is noticed whose accreditation can be made without the need to go to trial, when the accused is exempt from punishment by virtue of a more benign criminal law; or when criminal action is no longer instituted in private instance crimes or when any of the grounds for exoneration provided for in article 185, inc. 1 of the Code. Penal.
As can be inferred, art. 361 of the Code. Criminal Procedure establishes a way of extinction of the process during the preliminary stage, before the debate, which, due to its evidence, leaves no room for doubt to reverse the need to carry out the oral debate, while the continuation of the process would imply an unjustified jurisdictional expense.
In this way, it has been observed that when verifying the atypicality of the fact object of imputation and enshrining art. 361 of the CPPN the possibility of dismissal when extinctive causes of the criminal action make the debate unnecessary, the accused must be dismissed under the terms of art. 336 inc., 3 from the CPPN. (Oral Economic Criminal Court No. 3, case CPE 443/2012/TO1/6/CFC1, cited in "Gallicchio, Sebastián s/appeal", 11/26/2018).
The criteria is consistent with what has been held by various Courts of Appeal. With regard to Chamber I of that court –referred to in the case file–, although in previous composition, it maintained that a restrictive interpretation of the grounds established by our legal system can be given to support the issuance of a dismissal that resolves accordingly. Definitely the situation of the accused in the intermediate stage, since said cases are exhaustively provided for in article 361 of the aforementioned legal body (CFCP, Room 1, case CFP 27/2010/TO1/3/CFC4, labeled "Sáenz Carmona, Carmen s / cassation appeal", reg. No. 237/17, of
6/4/2017), this Court has been endorsing dismissals ordered in that instance by Federal Oral Courts when supervening circumstances determined the atypicality of the fact investigated (cfr.: CFCP, Room I, causes FMZ 10732/2013/TO1/1/CFC1, "Senarega, Nelson Mario s/appeal", 2/5/2021; CPE 1488/2012/TO1/4/CFC2, "Oribe, Ignacio s/appeal" , 12/17/2020; FPO 8110/2015/PL1/CFC1 "Suárez, Juan Ramón and another s/appeal", 11/15/2019; CPE 443/2012/TO1/6/CFC1, "Gallicchio, Sebastián s/appeal" 11/26/2018; FPO 7115/2013/TO1/CFC1 "Bergese, Dante Fabricio and other s/appeal", 7/12/2019; FSA 32000587/2012/TO1/CFC1, titled : "Vilca Rueda, Ivar s/infraction Law 22,415", 6/25/2019; FSM 16900/2013/TO1/CFC1, "Procupetz, Víctor Bernardo s/appeal", 2/21/2019; FRO 7490/2014 /TO1/CFC1 "Martinelli, José Ángel and Lemme, Mario s/ cassation appeal", 11/26/2018; CPE 990000146/2010/TO1/8/RH2, López - Elías - Seta s/ complaint appeal, 22/ 11/2018; FMZ 91003126/2012/TO1/1/CFC1 “García Rosales, Manuel Ángel Alejandro s/ appeal of cassation”, 11/12/2018; FTU 401130/2002/TO1/6/CFC1 “Altamiranda, Gabriel Marcelo and others s/appeal”, 11/8/2018; FCT 4958/2015/TO1/CFC1 “Alassia, Adalberto Raúl and another on appeal”, 11/8/2018 and FSM 57760/2016/TO1/CFC1, “Vitale, Matías Roque on appeal”, 2 /11/2018).
The above is strengthened by a recent precedent of that Chamber, where it explained that “[d]e the analysis of [article 361 CPPN], in light of the principle of procedural economy and the corresponding right of the accused, to obtain a pronouncement that puts an end to the situation of uncertainty and undeniable restriction that criminal prosecution entails, as quickly as possible, it follows that the cases covered by
the rule in question does not constitute a closed formula and that the dismissal will proceed whenever, as said, an "evident" reason is verified that has arisen from "new evidence" produced in the stage of supplementary instruction and that makes the debate unnecessary.” (Cfr.: Cause no. CFP 12152/2015/TO1/55/CFC7, titled "Vanoli Long Biocca, Alejandro and others s/ cassation appeal", reg. 480/21, of 4/13/2021).
The criterion indicated is the one followed by the Federal Criminal Oral Court No. 5 of the Federal Capital, which I naturally integrate. In it we had the opportunity to point out that although the Court is not unaware that the institute of dismissal is basically contemplated for the investigative stage (articles 334, 336 and concordant CPPN), in the preliminary phase of the trial its use is also foreseen in limited cases (article 361 of the CPPN), and nothing prevents expanding these assumptions when it is the court itself that understands it applicable to the case, based on factual circumstances that the debate cannot modify and give a definitive answer to the procedural situation of the accused (cfr .: Federal Criminal Oral Court No. 5 of the Federal Capital, case No. 1585, CFP 9226/2014/TO1, "Jaimovich, Silvia Inés", issued on 12/23/2016, id case No. 1764 , “He, Fengqing”, issued on 8/30/2016, CFP 941/2013/TO1/1, case No. 2094, “Socolovsky, Julián”, CFP 4649/2009/TO1/6, issued on 23/ 9/2015, case No. 1914, “Rubino, Nicolás Mauro”, court on 5/15/2014, CFP 6398/2013/TO1, case No. 1363, “Di Francesco, Alejandro Alfredo”, court. on 8/18/2010; cause no. 1377, “Gomez, Maximiliano Ezequiel”, rta. on 8/4/2010; cause no. 1332, “Kleer, Carlos Ariel”, rta. on 6/16/2010 and cause no. 1364, "Beautiful, Jorge", rta. on 5/20/2010, among others).
To the considerations exposed, it should be added that it is not possible to disconnect the treatment of the case from the right of all accused to judicial protection
effective that imposes the obligation to define, in good time and without jurisdictional waste, their procedural situation, an aspect that constitutes the right to obtain a quick and effective decision as a reasoned derivation of the guarantee of due process.
Interpreting the “Speedy trial” clause contained in the VI Amendment of the United States Constitution. The Supreme Court of that country held that a speedy process without delay "is one of the most basic rights preserved by the Constitution" (in re, "Klopfer v. North Carolina", 386 U.S. 213 – 1967–, available at: ( https://tile.loc.gov/storageservices/service/ll/usrep
/usrep386/usrep386213/usrep386213.pdf as of 09/29/21), as it constitutes “an important safeguard” not only to prevent wrongful incarceration prior to trial, but also “to minimize anxiety and worry accompanying a public accusation” (in re, “United States v. Ewell”, 383 U.S. 116 –1966–, p. 120, available at: (https://tile.loc.gov/storage//services/service /ll/usr ep/usrep383/usrep383116/usrep383116.pdf; id “Barker v. Wingo” 407 U.S. 514 –1972– to 09/29/21).
It is doctrine of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation that one of the essential contents of the constitutional guarantee of defense in court is the right of all defendants to obtain a pronouncement that, defining their position before the law and the society, put an end to the situation of uncertainty and restriction of freedom that criminal prosecution entails in the shortest possible way.
This is the criterion inaugurated in 1968 with the precedent “Mattei” (CSJN, Rulings: 272:188) and inveterately replicated since then in the cases “Pileckas” (Rulings: 297:486 –1977–), “Klosowsky” ,
Rulings: 298:312 –1977–, “Mozzatti” (Rulings: 300:1102 –
1978–), “Baliarda” (Rulings: 303:917 –1981–),
“Fiscal Oil Fields” (Rulings: 306:1688
–1984–), “Frades” (Rulings: 312:2434 –1989–), “Morales,
María Soledad” (Judgments: 315:1553 –1992–),
“National Customs Administration” (Rulings: 316:2063
–1993–), “Artigué” (Rulings: 316:2705 –1993–),
“Paniagua” (Rulings: 320:1342 –1997–), “Moneta”
(Faults: 322:3071 –1999–), “Arrastia” (Faults:
326:4650 –2003–), “Bar” (Judgments: 327:327 –2004–),
“Simón” (Rulings: 328:2056 –2005–) and “Espíndola”
(Judgments: 342:584 –2019–).
He added there that when taking into account the values at stake in the criminal trial, it is “imperative to satisfy an inherent requirement with the respect due to the dignity of man, which is the recognition of the right that every person has to free themselves from the state of suspicion that the accusation of having committed a crime matters, by means of a sentence that establishes, once and for all, their situation before the criminal law” (Rulings: 272:188, Consid. 10; doctrine replicated in the cases “Bartra ”, 305:913 –1983–, “González, Heriberto”, Judgments:
318:665, Consider. 5° –1995–, “Kipperband”, Failures:
322:360 –1999–, “Amadeo de Roth”, Judgments: 323:982 –
2000–, “Verbeke”, Judgments: 326:1149 –2003–, “Barra”,
Rulings: 327:327 –2004– and “Farina”, Rulings: 342:2344 –
2019–, among others).
And, with even greater precision, it maintained that “the constitutional guarantee of defense in court and of due process is not exhausted in formal compliance with the procedures provided for in the procedural laws, but rather extends to the need to obtain a quick and effective judicial decision that puts an end to conflicts and situations of uncertainty, avoiding, within the limits of reason and according to the circumstances of each case, wasteful and possibly useless judicial activity; This is what is required, moreover, by the purpose of “strengthening justice” stated in the Preamble of the National Constitution.” (doctrine of the case "San Martín de Tours Foundation", Judgments: 302:299 –1980–, Consideration 8°).
So then, it has been rightly observed that the reasonable duration of the process, according to the nature of the claim, requires that the conclusive sentence be reached in a timely manner, being capable of rendering usefulness and effectiveness for the defendant ( Cfr.: Germán J. Bidart Campos, "Elemental Treaty of Argentine Constitutional Law", 1st Reprint, Ed. Ediar, Bs. As., 2009, T. II-A, No. 78, pp. 54/55) , since the timeliness of the resolution, in the sense of a decision handed down in good time, constitutes one of the primary manifestations of substantive due process (cf.: Horacio Rosatti, "Treatise on Constitutional Law", Ed. Rubinzal-Culzoni, 2 ° ed., Santa Fe, 2017, T. I, p. 732).
In doctrine, Gozaíni, when answering the question of what procedural law is for, affirms that: to organize the trial system, justice and its composition, and to consecrate in its link with the Constitution, a unique guarantee that ensures with the process, respect for other guarantees, since the constitutional guarantees that preserve the effectiveness and fulfillment of rights depend on the instruments established to make the promised protection effective. This instrumental mechanism is the process, observed on this plane, as the only possible guarantee. Therefore, the process is a method of debate between people and a guarantee granted by the State so that this dialectic is resolved with justice and equity. The link between the law and the process is the common source of all jurisdictional work, one serves the other, reciprocally; Available at: (https://gozaini.com>Elementos-de-DPC-Ediar pdf at 09/29/21).
In short, it is well known that procedural law is instrumental, in the sense of realizing material rights (criminal law) and, especially, constitutional and conventional law, in such a way that it always seeks to
concrete the realization of those within the framework of validity of the guarantees.
With the constitutional guidelines described, in view of the evidence produced and whose appreciation unequivocally claims the need for a dismissal that advises resolving the dispute without having to go to the oral debate, the planned solution could become operative in article 361 of the CPPN.
For this reason, in the case of evidence recently produced, provided or warned during the supplementary investigation due to an unfounded refusal in the instruction to do so in that instance and which, in turn, has a ruling entity –at the discretion of the parties– In order to separate the defendants from the process, the assessment of that evidence must be made at the first possible procedural opportunity, resulting in the postponement to the debate stage being an undue and unjustified delay.
Because, as explained by the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation, it is the obligation of the Judiciary to know in useful time in disputes that have been maintained over time, producing uncertainty among the litigants and creating confusion among the legal community, when before the eventual atypicality of a reported crime, it persists in continuing to prosecute people with the imposition of precautionary measures that damage their life, property and honor (cfr.: case "Vanoli Long Biocca, Alejandro and others s/ appeal of cassation", ob cit., Opinion of Judge Ana María Figueroa, considers.
4.3 in fine and 7).
With the conceptual framework indicated, although we are not unaware that, with a partially different integration, this Court had rejected previous claims of lack of action on the grounds that there are controversial facts (cf.: records of August 22 and
September 7, 2018), contrary to what
expressed by the Representative of the Public Prosecutor's Office (cfr.: hearing response of the Attorney General, Marcelo Colombo, in "Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and others s/ incident of annulment", 6th hearing of the 1st of September 2021, available at (https://www.youtube.com/watchv=t3VfBELaJbI, see punctually 09:31 to 31:53), we understand that there are evidentiary elements incorporated or known during the supplementary investigation after said resolutions with a sufficient probative effectiveness to be considered as novel -those that will be individualized throughout the present argumentation- and, thus, with entity to enable the treatment of the exceptions raised at this stage.
Under such conditions, deferring the analysis of the respective proposals to the holding of the oral and public debate in the event that, as the defendants argue, the evidence included is sufficient to unequivocally reveal the solution of the case, would contradict the principle of procedural economy, would undermine the correct administration of justice and violate the guarantee of the defendants to be tried within a reasonable time.
Once the procedural limits enabling the study of the case in this intermediate stage of the process have been clarified, it is appropriate, without further ado, to enter the substantive study of the defense requested.
substances
1. The scope of responsibility of this Court is inevitably limited to the verification of the criminal hypothesis embodied in the respective accusatory requirements that, as a starting point for the verification of an alleged illegal act,
could achieve the enabling quality of the jurisdictional instance.
Thus, according to the delimitation of the procedural object made by the respective requests for submission to trial of the Prosecutor's Office and the two complaints, the National Executive Power, headed by Cristina Elisabet Fernández de Kirchner, abandoned the political will to persecute the Iranian fugitives accused of the bombing of the AMIA headquarters (cfr.: request for trial by the Public Prosecutor's Office, fs. 9495 vta.) devising an instrument that ends their decriminalization of the cause, canceling, on the one hand , the international notifications of capture that weighed on the required Iranians and disassociating them from the AMIA case, on the other, by introducing a criminal hypothesis unrelated to their participation in the act. The Memorandum of Understanding, instead of a judicial cooperation agreement to unblock the investigation of the AMIA case, would have been, thus, a screen to provide impunity to fugitive Iranian citizens in exchange for commercial agreements that would benefit Argentina (Idem , fs. 9501) thus pretending to simulate an appearance of legality:
The accusation of this representation of the Public Prosecutor's Office is part of the development and implementation of a criminal plan with sufficient entity so that the Iranian citizens accused of being responsible for the bombing of the AMIA headquarters [can] escape from the actions of the Argentine justice system –by granting Interpol sufficient tools so that the red notices issued about them lose their validity– and to free them from all criminal responsibility for such facts – through the creation of a “Truth Commission” and through this, to introduce an alternative hypothesis– (cf.: request for elevation to trial of the Public Prosecutor's Office, fs. 9472).
In this way,
“it was proven that the defendants, without having participated in the predicate offense that is being investigated in case No. 8566/1996, through the distribution of tasks and exercising a specific role according to their functions in some cases and their ties with representatives of the government of Iran in others, they developed and implemented a suitable maneuver tending to help the Iranian defendants in the framework of the AMIA case –in fugitive condition– to evade the judicial investigation, as well as to evade the actions of the justice” (Idem, fs. 9587 row.).
According to the platform described, we can deduce that the cover-up plan would be made up of two criminal hypotheses: 1) the abduction of the Iranian defendants due to the actions of the Argentine justice, making Interpol stop the red notices of capture that weighed against those; 2) the elimination of all criminal responsibility of those required through the creation of a "Truth Commission" stipulated in the Memorandum of Understanding that introduces an alternative hypothesis to the one reported by the court and, in this way, ends up decriminating the accused. In this way, according to the accusatory hypothesis described, the Public Prosecutor's Office then held:
“[T]he governments of Argentina and Iran, through their respective Foreign Ministers, agreed to the Memorandum of Understanding in order to help those accused of the attack so that they can avoid the international arrests that weighed on them, as well as to endow them with impunity, through their definitive separation from the cause.
These objectives were intended to be achieved basically through two specially regulated paths between different articles of the instrument. First of all, the operative clause provided for in article 7 was aimed at reducing and/or eliminating the effectiveness of red notices.
with respect to the Iranian fugitives, while article 5 established the creation of a Truth Commission that, assuming jurisdictional functions, allowed for the incorporation of an alternative hypothesis for the solution of the AMIA case that decriminalized the Iranian defendants.” (Idem, fs. 9516, the emphasis does not correspond to the original).
In a similar sense, the
complaint:
“The signing of the “Memorandum…”, far from producing progress in the investigation of the attack against the AMIA (reason publicly offered by the defendants to justify it) had the purpose of: a) the lifting –and/or affectation of its effectiveness– of interpol red alerts, through the presentation of the clause 7 note, and b) the questioning of the evidence obtained and the imposition of alternative hypotheses that would separate Iran and its accused officials from the investigation of the attack against the AMIA (...), through the "Truth Commission" (...) whose final objective was to divert the accusation of the [I]ranian officials, towards alternative hypotheses that would separate them from the investigation" (cfr. : request for submission to trial formulated by the complaint of Messrs. Luis Czyzewski and Mario Aberbuch, pages 9375 and 9376).
In this way, the defendants would have covered up the search for the truth, thereby favoring the Iranian accused of the attack on the AMIA headquarters, hindering the work of those in charge of the investigation of the AMIA case, to the time that exceeded the attributions of their functions through the issuance of normative instruments markedly in violation of the Constitution and the laws.
As a consequence of the procedure described, the criminal cover-up plan would have been orchestrated and put into operation by the then President of the Argentine Republic, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, her Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship
–currently deceased– Héctor Timerman, the then
Vice Chancellor Eduardo Zuain, the Legal and Technical Secretary of the Presidency of the Nation, Dr. Carlos Alberto Zannini, the Secretary General of the Presidency, Dr. Oscar Parrilli, the National Deputy Andrés Larroque, the Treasury Attorney of the Nation , Dr. Angelina Abbona, and the Chief of Staff and Undersecretary for Criminal Policy of the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights of the Nation, Dr. Juan Martín Mena. In order to carry out the maneuver, the accused were forced to implement parallel channels of diplomatic dialogue between the Argentine Republic and the Iranian government, a task that, on behalf of the Argentine government, was carried out by the accused Luis D'Elía and Ramón Héctor Alan Bogado. , and Fernando Esteche and Jorge Alejandro Khalil on behalf of the Iranian government.
According to the accusation, each defendant was involved making a specific contribution in the plot described marked by the participation of a closed group that knew the details of the maneuver, guided by concealment, secrecy and omission of channels performance regulations.
In her capacity as President of the Argentine Nation at the time of the events, Cristina Elisabet Fernández de Kirchner was accused of being the top planner of how to carry out the aforementioned maneuver. In this way, she is accused of being responsible for the change in foreign policy of the Argentine government with respect to the Islamic Republic of Iran in the AMIA case starting in 2010 and accepting the Iranian proposal to seek a political solution to the cause to achieve the deincrimination of the Iranian state and defendants. In turn, he is blamed for having personally supervised the implementation of the agreement, directly issuing orders to the accused –mainly Héctor Timerman– for its implementation.
In his capacity as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Argentine Republic, between the 22nd of
June 2010 and December 10, 2015, Héctor Timerman is accused of having helped the Islamic Republic of Iran to evade its international responsibility for the attack on the AMIA headquarters. From the key position he held, he signed the Memorandum together with the Iranian foreign minister and participated in the negotiations and drafting of the agreement as well as in its implementation, trying to influence the validity of the red notices that weighed on the Iranian defendants at Interpol. .
As Vice Foreign Minister at the time of the events and a trusted person of Héctor Timerman, Eduardo Zuain would have actively participated in the diplomatic negotiations for the preparation of the Memorandum, carrying out formal contact with the second lines of Iranian diplomacy and organizing the bilateral meetings for the preparation of the agreement (for example: the Zurich meeting of November 27, 2012).
In his capacity as Secretary General of the Presidency of the Nation, between 2003 and 2014 and his public and notorious closeness to the then President of the Nation, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Oscar Parrilli would have directly assisted the head of the National Executive Power, thus taking part in the maneuver, transmitting instructions to the Argentine intermediaries in the parallel diplomacy channel formed.
As Legal and Technical Secretary of the Presidency of the Nation, and person of close confidence of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Carlos Zannini would have had an active participation in the entire process of preparation and implementation of the Memorandum, participating both in its preparation as well as providing legal assistance and evaluating legal and technical aspects of the document.
Although, as National Treasury Attorney, she lacked the professional skills to undertake diplomatic negotiations related to the
AMIA cause, in her capacity as a trusted person of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Angelina Abbona provided legal assistance for the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding and headed the Argentine delegations that attended the diplomatic work meetings on October 30 , November 27 and 28, 2012 in Zurich, in order to keep secret and monitor the negotiations to achieve the true objective pursued with the instrumentation of the agreement.
As Undersecretary of Criminal Policy of the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights of the Nation, Juan Martín Mena participated in the talks and negotiations for the preparation of the Memorandum, attending diplomatic work meetings where he provided legal assistance in criminal procedural matters for the instrument making. Once the agreement was signed, he and Zannini provided legal assistance to Chancellor Timerman for the defense of the Memorandum before Congress.
In his capacity as Secretary General of the organization "La Cámpora" and trusted person of former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, National Deputy Andrés Larroque officiated, through D'Elía, as "liaison" with the representatives of Iran, Jorge Khalil –reference of the Iranian community in Argentina– and Fernando Esteche, within the framework of a clandestine communication apparatus that, according to the instruction, acted as true operators of Iran in the country and the transmitters of Cristina's intentions Fernández de Kirchner and Carlos Zannini, information that had to be made known to them for the development of the maneuver carried out and that could not be communicated through official diplomatic channels.
Due to his political affinity with Iran and his referents, Fernando Esteche was the one who would have brought Khalil closer to Argentine officials and would have provided an "essential" collaboration to advance in the
normalization plan in relations between Iran and the Argentine Republic, also being aware of the negotiations and of the interests that the signing of the Memorandum masked.
Finally, Allan Bogado would have formed part of that clandestine communication channel acting as a link between the Argentine political authorities and local Iranian representatives, helping with his contacts to advance the illegal plan.
This is, in essence and according to the account of the accusers, the criminal plan, its operating mechanism and the background that preceded the case and that provide the factual platform to address the treatment of the defenses deduced by the accused.
Following the guidelines provided by the Federal Chamber, the Public Prosecutor's Office and the complaints, they described the actions outlined as constituting the crimes of concealment for personal favor, hindrance of a functional act and abuse of authority.
Now, it has been rightly observed that "[f]or unlawful conduct constitutes a crime it must be criminally typical, that is, it must fit one of the figures of the crime provided for" (cfr.: Santiago Mir Puig, "Criminal Law. General Part", Ed. Euros, 9th ed. Bs.As., 2012, p. 155).
The function of the types is the individualization of human behaviors that are criminally prohibited. The criminal legal type is the set of all material presuppositions, excluding procedural ones that condition the application of a sentence (cf.: Gonzalo Rodríguez Mourullo, "Criminal Law. General Part", Ed.Civitas, Madrid, 1978, p. 239). In other words, the law describes certain types of illegal acts that are violations of the norm as a closed vital process
and sanctions it under penalty (cf.: Maurach, Gössel and Zipf, "Criminal Law. General Part", Ed. Astrea, Bs.As., 1995, par. 19).
The doctrine distinguishes between a guarantee type and a systematic type, and thus we speak of a guarantee type, which designates the principle of legality in criminal matters. In turn, it refers to type of unfair to connote the typicality of unlawful conduct. On the other hand, we find the denomination type of crime in relation to the conceptions of the crime in which it is wanted to include with the type almost all the characters. Also, type of guilt, which is understood as the guilt must respond to the typical behavior. Permissive type that for Zaffaroni is the one that arises from the permissive precept (cause of justification). For those who use the expression type in various senses, the type as Zaffaroni understands it and characterizes it is called the systematic type.
Like all the basic concepts of criminal law, the concept of type introduced by Beling, also refers to various meanings. However, the essential distinctions for criminal law can be reduced to the three tasks that the type must fulfill: it has a systematic function, a dogmatic function and a political-criminal function.
In a systematic sense, the type encompasses “the compendium or set of elements that result in knowing what crime it is typically about. By naming the set of these elements a type (Tatbestand, literally “supposed to be a fact”), Beling obtained a new category for the theory of crime, which could be introduced between the concepts of action and illegality. Before, most of the authors had defined the crime as an unlawful action, guilty and threatened with punishment. Typicality was then hidden in the expression threatened with grief; Beling rightly characterized, says Roxin, that formulation as "fuzzy," because it does not
allows us to recognize what qualities an action must have to be threatened with penalty. Against this, the new category of the type offered the possibility of assigning a firm systematic position to numerous "errant elements here and there" previously without a fixed place in the general theory of crime, such as "theories of the result of action, of causality, the object of the act, the content of the crimes of omission, etc. (Cfr.: Roxin, Claus "Criminal Law. General Part" T. I, Ed. Civitas, Madrid, 1997, p. 277).
Precisely, along with its systematic meaning is the criminal-political meaning of the type, which lies in its function of guarantee.
Only a criminal law in which the prohibited conduct is accurately described by types fully conforms to the nullum crimen sine lege principle. Finally, an autonomous dogmatic function of the type and unrelated to its general systematic function consists of describing the elements whose ignorance excludes fraud. That mission is entrusted to him (for German law) by the law itself, by saying in para. 16 II: “Whoever in the commission of the act is not aware of a circumstance belonging to the legal type does not act maliciously”. The prohibition, which only optionally excludes guilt, belongs, according to current law, to the basic foundations of criminal legal dogmatics (cf.: Roxin, Claus, "Derecho Penal. Parte General", ob.cit., ps. 277/278).
When studying the foundation of the concept of penal type in Argentine dogmatics, Bacigalupo points out that the concept of criminal type was introduced into Spanish-speaking criminal dogmatics by Jiménez de Asúa, following the guidelines drawn up by Beling. For this author, the development followed by Argentine dogmatics is completely independent of the evolution that occurred in Germany. Indeed, the distancing of Beling's orientation is perceived
already in the first formulation that is made among us in the theory of criminal type (cfr.: Bacigalupo, Enrique "Type and error", 2nd. edc., Ed. Hammurabi, Bs.As., 2002, p. 17 et seq.). Thus, in Núñez's conception, the function of the criminal type derives from the requirements of the principle nullun crimen nulla poena sine lege and, specifically, from the discontinuous nature of the criminal offense that is a consequence of the prohibition of analogy that said principle imposes (cf. .: Núñez, Ricardo C., "The criminal act in the National Constitution and in the Code", separate from the "Journal of Psychiatry and Criminology", Bs.As., 1939, No. 19).
According to Bacigalupo, the following conclusions can be drawn regarding the concept of criminal type: 1) that it is limited exclusively to the realization of the principle of legality; 2) it only refers to the external adequacy of the conduct with the prescriptions of the criminal law, being excluded from the concept of type thus elaborated, fraud, guilt, and even guilt; 3) in principle, the validity in Argentine law of the problem on the basis of which Beling developed the theory of criminal offenses is rejected; 4) the objective conditions of criminal liability are admitted, within the criminal figure (Soler) or outside of it (Núñez, Fontán Balestra); 5) it is unanimously admitted that the objective conditions of punishability do not need to be achieved by fraud;
6) the penal type is given a purely descriptive function with the exception of the first formulations by Núñez and that of Fontán Balestra which, however, is not consistently followed by its author; 7) the descriptive function of the type is essentially characterized by being exhaustive.
In truth, the divergence that is pointed out regarding the type of guarantee elaborated by the Argentine dogmatics is not a consequence of the scope of the principle of legality, but of the adequacy of the concept of type through which it is attempted to carry out such
beginning. The explanation for this lack of coincidence between the principle from which the guarantee type is deduced and the concept of a deduced type is found in the mistaken belief that the Beling type is a guarantee type that exhausts all possible type concepts. Indeed, the concept elaborated by Beling is not that of a guarantee type, but rather, a systematic type and tending to solve error problems. The fact that the concept of criminality, as a general nature of the crime, only has the possibility of realization in a criminal law that is expressed in the strict classification of actions, does not indicate that the type thus deduced tends to guarantee the principle of legality. .
In other words, just because modern criminal law is strictly criminalized, criminality can be a general characteristic of the crime. For Bacigalupo, the Argentine dogmatics did not take these considerations into account and despite proposing a departure from Beling, it actually took the concept of the latter that, because it was not oriented to the type of guarantee, could and should exclude fraud and the conditions of criminal offenses. guy. He then proposes the following as conclusions: a) the expression type criminal denotes more than one concept, including at least those of guarantee type, type of error and systematic type; b) the guarantee-type concept is the only one derived from the principle nullun crimen nulla poena sine lege and includes absolutely all the assumptions for the application of a penalty, including fraud and negligence, guilt, and also, the objective conditions of punishment ; c) the type of error defines the object of the fraud and coincides, in part, with the objective type (external aspect of the systematic type); d) the type of error does not include the absence of justifying objective circumstances (negative elements of the type), nor the special elements of illegality (including the
elements of authorship), nor the objective conditions of punishability; e) the systematic type, that is, the type of typical adequacy that is the general element of the crime, includes both the objective type and the subjective type (intent and subjective elements). In its objective aspect, it has, or may have, greater breadth than the type of error, since it is integrated with elements that are unrelated to fraud (eg: the character of an official).
It is well known that it was Beling, in 1906, who founded the criminal type theory. Prior to him, there was a certain agreement in penal science, in conforming to the idea of an unlawful action to which it was threatened with certain punishment. This included the action itself, the lack of grounds for justification and guilt.
For Beling, on the other hand, the type is a part of the crime and, at the same time, it is a kind of guide typification that the legislator creates free of any element of illegality. But also, as he considered it, it was totally objective, without any consideration for subjective elements. However, Nagler in 1911 and Hegler, supported the importance of the subjective elements of justification and later, Mezger, distinguished between subjective elements of illegality and elements of the type. All this added to the conception of crimes of purpose, tendency and expression.
In such a way, the path to the complex theory of the type was cleared, which would make it possible to distinguish the objective type from the subjective type and, in the latter, locate the consideration of fraud and guilt.
Beling's type is characterized, then, preferably by two notes: that it is objective and that it is free of value (but not for that reason evaluative). Objectivity means the exclusion of the type of all subjective, intranymic processes, which are assigned in their entirety to guilt. Also by non-evaluative character it must be understood that the type
criminal does not contain any legal assessment that alludes to the illegality of the typical action. Thus, for Beling, the type is clean of all moments of illegality, and in it a legal meaning is not recognizable. The theory of the objectivity of the type, affirms Roxin, was soon shaken since Fischer, Hegler, Mayer and Mezger, discovered that in many cases, not guilt, but the unfairness of the act depends on the direction of the author's will. , or subjective moments intranimicos. In this way, the theory of the subjective elements of the type was imposed around 1930, despite multiple discussions on specific points. The fact that shortly after the final theory of the action included in the subjective part of the type the deceit aimed at carrying out the objective circumstances of the fact was only one more step in that direction (cf.: Roxin, op.cit., p.280).
Similar luck has also run the conception of the non-evaluative character of the type. The reason for revising Beling's theory on this point was given by the discovery of normative elements of the Max Ernest Mayer type. Indeed, Mayer himself continued starting, in principle, from the non-evaluative character of the type, since according to him the realization of the type is certainly an indication of unlawfulness, but one is related to the other like the one between smoke and fire, thus, smoke is not fire nor does it contain fire, but it allows the conclusion that there is fire, unless proven otherwise.
According to Mayer, the type is only ratio cognoscendi, that is, a denoted indication of illegality, but it is not a component of it. For him, the non-evaluative character of the type is ensured by the fact that the elements of the type are "descriptive", that is to say that they contain descriptions accessible to sensory perception but no longer contain their evaluation, which only occurs
through the category of illegality. However, the situation is different in the "normative elements" (evaluative) of the type, such as the foreignness of the thing in the crime of theft, which do not describe objectives and therefore are not causally related to the author's action. , but they contain an assessment that, in part, prejudges the illegality.
The development of the normative elements of the type was quickly imposed, revealing that the number of normative elements was much greater than what had initially been supposed (cfr.: Roxin, ob.cit., p.281) .
Type should not be confused with typicality. The type is the formula that belongs to the law, while the typicality belongs to the conduct. The criminality is the characteristic that a conduct has by reason of being appropriate to a criminal type, that is, individualized as prohibited by a criminal type.
Typical is the conduct that presents the specific characteristic of typicality, which in turn is the adequacy of the conduct to a type, which is the legal formula that allows determining the typicality of the conduct.
From the perspective of imputing the conduct to the objective type, we must specify that this presupposes referring to the realization of a danger created by the perpetrator and not covered by a risk allowed within the scope of the type (cf.: Chiara Díaz/ Grisetti/ Obligado, "Criminal Law. General Part", Ed. La Ley, Bs.As., 2011, p.252). On the contrary, if the creation of a risk is missing when, for example, the causal course is modified in such a way that the already existing danger for the victim is lessened or diminished and therefore the situation of the object of the action improves, this excludes the imputation. In the same way, if the creation of the danger is directly missing, then the imputation to the objective type will have to be rejected when the author
certainly, the risk of injury to a legal right has not decreased, but it has not increased it in a legally significant way either. The principle of imputation of the creation or increase of risk coincides, in substance, with the theory of adequacy and with the principle of objective claimability of Larenz and Honig. A conduct that does not significantly endanger a legally protected right can only bring about the result by chance, so it cannot finally be caused in this way (cf.: Chiara Díaz/ Grisetti/ Obligado, "op. cit.", p. 253).
Picardi and Seghezzo remind us that the theory of objective imputation, promoted by Roxin, deepened the outlines devised by Larenz and later by Honig in Germany. The same, in essence, establishes a series of guidelines or requirements that allow to identify that voluntary human action that falls within an objective criminal type, trying that these postulates allow solving the imputable problems in all the typical ways (cf.: Franco Picardi , Bárbara Seghezzo, “Objective imputation” (available at:
http://www.saij.gob.ar/doctrina/dacf140151-picardiimputacion_objetiva.htm at 09/29/21).
The development of the objective imputation, starts from a pre-legal analysis of the conduct, pondered the same as an event of nature, through the theory of typical relevance, which operates as a minimum basis to limit the responsibility of the author, to then enter the legal or regulatory analysis of that conduct.
In my case law precedents I have followed the line of objective imputation theory (see, TOF No. 5 Cap. Fed., cause No. 1270, “Donda, Adolfo Miguel s/inf. art. 144 ter, para. . 1st CP, Law 14,616"; case ESMA IV (case No. 1891 titled "Cabral, Raúl Armando s/illegitimate deprivation of aggravated liberty and torment"; case No. 1955
titled “Ferrari, Horacio, Castelví, Carlos María; Count, Michael; Carrillo, Carlos Nestor; Iturri, Jose Angel; Ocaranza, Jorge Luis Maria; Zanabria, Ramón Roque on aggravated illegitimate deprivation of liberty and torture”; and case No. 1891 “Vallejos, Claudio s/aggravated illegitimate deprivation of liberty”; also, TOF No. 5, Ch. Fed., (one-person integration of the undersigned), Case No. 2019, “Schweizer, Guillermo y ots. s/inf. art. 281 in contest ideal art. 248 PC”.
Now, at this stage of the screening analysis of the theory of crime, in order for a result harmful to the legal order to be objectively attributed to a voluntary conduct, it must be established that: a) the action has created a legal risk or danger not allowed; b) the result produced implies the realization of that legally disapproved risk or danger.
Regarding the concept of permitted risk, it is undeniable that social coexistence implies the interaction of the individuals that integrate it, as factors that generate danger. And, moreover, the different elements that are the product of human civilization also generate their own risks that are assumed, within certain parameters, as allowed.
From Welzel's formulations, it is noted that human behaviors should be considered from a social perspective, distinguishing actions that are socially disapproved for constituting attacks on protected legal rights (typical) from those that are socially appropriate and accepted by the group and, therefore, , not harmful to legal assets (atypical).
In this context, the law intervenes in this risk relationship trying to restrict to a minimum the behaviors that activate risk factors for those cases in which the carrying out of that activity is authorized; this tolerance threshold requires regulation, where
the guidelines for performance are established and that make a risky activity legally accepted; while, exceeding these limits, the formulation of imputation for creation or increase of the disapproved danger is authorized.
Among the imputation factors, we find the creation or increase of the disapproved risk, by whose general principle it can be affirmed that the result of the subsumption of a conduct in a certain criminal type will be imputed to the person who with his act has created or increased an unauthorized risk with respect to a legal asset.
In effect, for greater expository clarity, it is not enough to reproduce the maxim indicated by Stratenwerth, since "responsibility for the result is given by responsibility for the danger on which it is based".
The determination of the creation or increase of the disapproved danger requires making an "ex ante" judgment of the author's conduct, that is, at the moment the risky action begins and, from this perspective, we are going to ponder the endilgative judgments.
Now, in the case that brings us here, the actions or conduct that the accusers intend to constitute as criminal hypotheses in no way implied the creation of any risk or increased danger with respect to the legal assets involved. All of which we will have to demonstrate in the subsequent evidentiary analysis.
For this reason, as prior to everything, it is necessary to scrutinize whether or not the maneuver for which the defendants were required to stand trial materializes the elements of the objective type of the attributed figures. This requires a conceptual demarcation of the three types of criminal offenses that –in the opinion of the prosecution– govern the case.
Concealment is a crime that harms the administration of justice as long as it interferes with police or judicial action in an attempt to verify the
existence of a crime and the responsibility and punishment of its perpetrators and participants (National Chamber of Criminal Cassation, Room IV, “Aldera, Yamil s/rec. de casación”, 09/30/2002, Law 2003-A , p. 100), or the recovery of the objects linked to it.
In its modality of personal favoring (art. 277, sub. 1, ap. “a”, Penal Code) it is the help given to a human person to evade or evade the action of justice. As the teacher Carrara explains, “any help given to the perpetrator or to any of the accomplices after its consummation to evade justice or to ensure criminal profit, but without prior agreement and without leading to subsequent consequences of the crime” (cf. : Francesco Carrara, “Criminal Law Program”, Ed. Rodamillans, Bs.As., 2010, T. V, § 2829, pp. 397 and 398). The crime thus has a double purpose: to benefit the favored party and to hinder the action of justice (cf.: Alberto S. Millán, "El delicto de encumbrimiento", Ed. Abeledo-Perrot, Bs.As., 1970, p.
105) and its configuration requires the following elements:
a) Aid, collaboration, assistance or facilitation must be provided, by itself or by third parties, through a positive action, not necessarily violent, to evade the action of justice.
b) It assumes the existence of a crime prior to the one that occurs and that is independent of it (National Chamber of Criminal Cassation, Room III, “Puche, Néstor R.”, 10/27/1999, Law 2000-B , p. 771; id. CNCrim.Corr., Room VI, "Maldonado, Pablo O.", 04/29/1999, Law 2000-B, p. 635; CNFed.Crim.Corr., Room II, " Vargas and others”, 09/06/1989, La Ley Online) and in which, although a judicial declaration on its existence is not necessary (CNCP, room I, “Orentrajch, Pedro and another s/ cassation appeal”, 03/21/2006, The Law Online, TOC No. 20 of the Federal Capital, "Genovese, Cayetano A.", 04/12/1999, The Law 1999-
E, p. 371) cannot be presumed by simple inference (cf.: TOC No. 14 of the Federal Capital, “Álvarez, Rubén N. y otros”, 04/16/2003, La Ley Online; CNCrim.Corr., Room VII, "Moreno, Manuel E.", 09/04/1992, Law 1995-A, page 492;
id “Oviedo, José A. and another”, 03/05/1991, La Ley Online, among others) and whose authorship cannot correspond to the concealer (CNPE, Room B, “Arriete, Fernando and others”, 11/10/2005 , Law 2006-C, page 33, ID TOC No. 23 of the Federal Capital, "Valles, Mario", 11/09/2005, JA 2005-IV,
p. 726, among others).
c) The action of helping translates into a subtraction or avoidance. The first assumption involves avoiding arrest, whether the arrest has been ordered or not yet. The second is help to avoid the necessary investigations regarding the authorship and responsibility of a person in the commission of a crime, whether the investigation is ongoing or about to begin. Both behaviors can be temporary or permanent and do not include aid provided for strictly humanitarian purposes.
d) The theft or evasion is carried out in relation to an authority, that is, the Judiciary, its auxiliaries –vgr. the police – or any other body with legal investigative powers.
e) The aid must be provided to a human person, excluding people of ideal existence. On the other hand, it is not necessary that the recipient is a convicted criminal; It can be a defendant with an arrest warrant, a witness with a summons, a rebellious defendant, a suspect and, in general, any person who is required by an authority to appear (cfr.: Alberto S. Millán, “The crime of concealment ”, (op. cit.), p. 95) without even being individualized as long as the preceding offense existed. Neither it is
It is necessary that the requirement be current, and it could be in the future, as is the case of someone who helps to hide a murderer whose justice has not yet been informed of the commission of the act but it is known that once has proceeded to the formation of cause, it will be required.
f) In all its modalities, it is an instantaneous crime (cfr.: Federal Criminal Oral Court No. 2, “Micelli, Felisa Josefina”, 02/06/2013, La Ley Online), therefore that is configured with the single help.
g) It is enough that the action is suitable to help, whether it ends up being carried out or, failing that, has been frustrated (cfr.: TSJ Córdoba, Criminal Chamber, “Hernández, Walter D. and others s/rec Cassation", 12/18/2003, LLC 2004 -June-, p. 473; id. Carlos Fontán Balestra and Guillermo A.C. Ledesma, "Criminal Law Treaty", Ed. La Ley, Bs.As., 2013, T. IV, page 412). Favoring belongs to the category of so-called “formal crimes” and, as such, the help provided does not have to be effective. It is enough that it is adequate, even if in the given case it does not produce the desired result.
h) From the subjective aspect of the type, the crime does not admit more than its intentional commission - there is no place in it in any culpable way - and consists of the help given knowingly to evade or withdraw from the action of justice. The configuration of fraud requires that knowledge and will be effective and current (CNCrimCorr., Room V, "Bernotas, Ricardo H.", 04/25/1994, La Ley 1995-E, p. 117) and encompasses all components of the objective type (cf.: Criminal Court No.
2 from Bahía Blanca, “A., P. A. y otra”, 08/29/2005, La Ley Buenos Aires, 2006 –March–, p. 228), so the concealer must be aware that the help action is aimed at
to evade the action of justice and that is provided in favor of a person who has intervened in an illegal act (CNCrimCorr., Room V, “D. S. C., W. W.”, 04/04/2002, La Ley Online, among others), that is, to know that the favored party is the person accused -as the author or participant- of a crime or, even if he is not accused, he must know that he is and that he is helping him to evade the investigation of the authority or to escape from your action.
The hindrance of a functional act (art. 241, sub. 2 Penal Code), for its part, constitutes an attenuated modality of the attack on authority. The main difference with this last figure is that in the nuisance the author is not the recipient of any order nor does he resist compliance with something that has been arranged for him. It is not proposed to replace the will of the official in charge of doing something improper with his own, but only to "prevent or hinder [him]" in the fulfillment of an act proper to his duties through a characteristic element: cunning or deceit (cf.: Carlos Fontán Balestra and Guillermo A.C. Ledesma, op. cit., T. IV, page 171; Omar Breglia Arias and Omar R. Gauna, "Criminal Code and complementary laws", 6th ed., Ed. Astrea, Bs.As ., 2007, T. 2, p. 664). It is a form of resistance, but without force or violence (cfr.: Jorge Alberto Diegues, "Resistance to authority", La Ley, Diario del 3/15/2019, p. 8, see especially summary No. 10) and, Unlike the attack against authority, it is a crime of result (Idem, p. 172), so it is not enough to pursue the end but rather requires conduct with an objective entity to hinder. This figure admits the attempt in cases where the realization process is frustrated by issues beyond the control of the author.
In its simple figure, abuse of authority (art. 248 Penal Code), a charge that weighs on seven of the eleven defendants, presents the following characteristics:
a) The active subject of the crime can only be a public official (arts. 248 and 77 Penal Code) for acts of their own or related to their function (cf.: Carlos Fontán Balestra and Guillermo A. C. Ledesma, op. cit. , T. IV, p. 219).
b) Its main characteristic is that it does not require any damage or benefit, just the typical action or omission.
c) The crime is committed by action or omission.
d) It offers three typical forms of materialization: a) issuing resolutions or orders contrary to the Constitution and national or provincial laws; b) execute resolutions or orders contrary to the Constitution and the laws, national or provincial and c) not execute the laws whose compliance is incumbent on them.
In the present case, the creation of the "Truth Commission" is identified as conduct constituting abuse of authority, implemented in the Memorandum of Understanding by members of the National Executive Power through which they interfered " fraudulently and unduly in the sphere of action of the Argentine federal justice in the framework of a pending criminal proceeding, thus violating the Constitution and national laws (cfr.: prosecutor's indictment, fs. 9592 and vta).
Now, although in any of its modalities the configurative behaviors of the three types foisted admit the attempt, they require suitability for their production. In this sense, Millán observes in relation to the crime of favoring that "[t]he aid must be suitable, that is, it must present characteristics and modalities that confer, even potentially, fitness for the purpose proposed in the given case." . If the medium is manifestly unsuitable, there will be no favoring.” (Cfr.: Alberto S. Millán, "The crime of concealment", op. cit., p. 102, the italics correspond to the original; id. Francesco Carrara, ob.
cit., T.V, § 2833, p. 400). The same occurs with nuisance crimes such as abuse of authority whose criminal types require consummative suitability.
In this way, despite the particular typical modalities in relation to each of the criminal figures under study, since all of them admit the attempt, there are two basic factual circumstances in the structure of the criminal typicity that condition the adequacy typical of any behavior.
It has been rightly observed that in a rule of law there is a formula of balance between freedom and authority; Hence, in a democratic society "the state's punitive power can only be exercised to the extent strictly necessary to protect fundamental legal rights from attacks that damage or endanger them" (cf.: I/A Court HR, case "Acosta Martínez et al. v. Argentina. Merits, Reparations and Costs", Judgment of August 31, 2020, Series C, No. 410, paragraph 87; id. case "Kimel v. Argentina. Merits, Reparations and Costs", Judgment of 2 May 2008, Series C, No. 177, paragraph 76). Thus, the use of criminal proceedings must correspond to the need to protect fundamental legal rights against behaviors that imply serious injuries to those, while also being related to the magnitude of the damage inflicted (I/A Court HR, case "Kimel v. Argentina ”, op. cit., para. 77). As a consequence of this, the cases in which the perpetrator has not caused harm to third parties are, as a rule, subtracted from the state's punitive power, with the exception of those conducts that, due to their magnitude, the legislator demands their punishment as an advance of punishability. (Cfr.: Esteban Righi, "Criminal Law. General Part", 2nd ed., 4th reprint, Ed. Abeledo-Perrot, Bs.As., 2019, p. 517).
In a state of law, thoughts belong to the constitutive sphere of the person and cannot be reached by typicality; given that
controlling them is equivalent to destroying the free person (cfr.: Günther Jakobs, “Criminal Law. General Part. Fundamentals and theory of imputation”, 2nd ed. in Spanish by Joaquín Cuello Contreras and José Luis Serrano González de Murillo, Ed Marcial Pons, Madrid, 1997, page 853, ID Eugenio Raúl Zaffaroni, "Treatise on Criminal Law. General Part", 1st ed., 5th reprint, Buenos Aires, Ediar, 2014, T. IV, P. 410, Hans Welzel, "Criminal Law. General Part", Spanish translation by Carlos Fontán Balestra, Ed. Depalma, Bs.As., 1956, pp.
189 and 190, Esteban Righi, op. cit., p. 517, among others). This criterion is rooted in one of the oldest principles of Roman law expressed by Ulpiano, according to which "no one can be punished for his thoughts" ("cogitationis poenam nemo patitur", Digest, 49.19.18).
Tributed to this conception, the Argentine Constitution protects this idea by affirming in its article 19 "private actions that in no way harm a third party" thus preventing the State from interfering in the internal sphere of each individual. This entails, as an unavoidable consequence, the need to set limits to the anticipation of punishability.
Every crime is preceded by a series of concatenated behaviors in which the perpetrator directs his conduct to the realization of his purpose. This process, which takes place between the moment the criminal idea is born and its exhaustion, constitutes the so-called iter criminis.
The iter criminis presents two distinct stages. The first, which can be called "internal", houses all the thoughts grouped in the ideation of the criminal plan which do not transcend the plane of thought. The idea of committing the crime, the feasibility test and the decision to continue or abandon the criminal plan are contained here.
When the criminal plan transcends mere thought and begins to manifest itself in actions, the iter criminis enters a new stage: the “external”, whose content, in turn, is made up of four stages: the acts that are carried out at a preliminary moment to the realization of the criminal purpose (preparatory acts) such as the purchase of a weapon in a murder plan or the preparation of the plan of the place where a theft is intended to be carried out; those who, without completing all the requirements of the type, have such an entity as to reveal an act of execution or a concrete manifestation of will to commit the crime (acts of execution equivalent to the attempt); those that manage to complete the entirety of the type (consummation) and, finally, those that, having reached consummation, prolong their effects beyond it, causing further damage sought from the outset by the author (exhaustion).
Within each of the stages described, the punitive consequences are not the same. Thus, in addition to the ideation of the criminal plan, a part of those acts that transcend mere thought and are materialized in actions are not reached by the State punitive action when, even though they imply an externalization of an action, they do not reveal “unequivocally” the existence of a criminal plan. These are erratic behaviors whose purpose admits several possible explanations; although linked to the fact investigated, by themselves they are insufficient to effectively endanger a specific legal right as well as insufficient to show a link with the purpose of executing the crime (cfr.: Sebastián Soler, “Derecho Penal Argentino”, 4° Updated ed by Manuel Bayala Basombrio, Ed. TEA, Bs.As., 1989, T. 2, p. 246) and that, in the best of cases for the hypothesis of punishability, can configure a remote danger in the execution of the crime
Criminal law reserves the ius puniendi for acts of typical relevance with an intention aimed without a doubt at committing the crime (CSJN, concurring opinion of judges Caballero and Fayt in "CINEPA S.A.", Rulings: 311: 372) , which are capable of being qualified once they begin to be executed. In this way, the action of buying a weapon for someone who is preparing to commit a homicide, although it is clear that it transcends mere thought, is not enough to direct some form of imputation towards the homicide that was never carried out to the extent that the homicidal purpose of the acquisition is not unequivocally proven, that is, that it was purchased with that same intention and not for other purposes such as collection, resale, hunting, gift, or for the actor himself but without being able to determine precisely . On the contrary, whoever devised a homicide and missed the shot, from the moment he pulled the trigger he objectified a concrete manifestation of criminal will (cfr.: National Chamber of Criminal and Correctional Cassation, Room I, "G., N. R. and others s/ cassation appeal", of 10/30/2018, RDP 2019-6, p. 1174). This is, in essence, the scheme of the attempted crime in this situation.
Different from what happens between the executory acts (the attempt) and the consummation, the separation between those and the preparatory acts offers important theoretical difficulties, being this question rightly qualified as the most arduous problem of the attempt and one of the most complex criminal dogmatics (cf.: Eugenio Raúl Zaffaroni, op. cit., T. IV, p. 444). Even so, it is an inalienable exercise for the judge because, in an act criminal law, it is what divides the border between punishment and impunity.
The described dogmatics finds express reception in the Argentine Penal Code which, in its article 42, prescribes that there can only be an attempt
in whom "with the purpose of committing a specific crime, its execution begins". As a consequence of this, the attempt does not consist only of the intention or purpose of committing a crime, but, mainly, of the beginning of its execution, with a view to that end (cf.: concurring opinion of Judge Enrique Santiago Petracchi in " CINEPA S.A.”, Judgments: 311: 372, Consider.
7 in fine) and that could not be consummated due to circumstances beyond the control of the author (art. 42 Penal Code).
The consequence that the described dogmatics inevitably brings us is that, unlike the “acts of execution” that make up the attempt, neither the “ideation acts” nor the “preparatory acts” are subject to punishment, being sheltered under the orbit of article 19 of the National Constitution (CSJN, Rulings: 331: 2728 –2008–among others).
With the described doctrinal framework, it is appropriate to scrutinize whether the facts presented find a typical adequacy in any of the proposed criminal figures starting with the first of the two criminal hypotheses.
According to the imputation terms embodied in the respective requisitions:
“[F]irstly, it can be inferred that the operative clause set forth in article 7 of the document, the joint letter signed by Foreign Minister Timerman and his Iranian counterpart, and the consequent registration of the legend in the I24 system /7 of INTERPOL – whose content made known the fact that Argentina and Iran had agreed to resolve the AMIA case bilaterally through diplomatic channels – were the pertinent channels to moderate the status of the red notices of the Iranian fugitives and prevent them from international captures ordered by the head of the Federal Court
6 were immediately executed.” (Cfr.: Fiscal requisition, fs. 9588 and vta.).
In a similar sense, the complaint refers to the participation of State authorities
Argentine in the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding
“He also sought impunity for the citizens of Iranian nationality accused of the attack on the headquarters of the A.M.I.A. by giving autonomous operation to the survey of international catches that weighed on those responsible in clause 7 of the Memorandum, by separating it from the approval process of the rest of the instrument.” (requirement formulated by the complaint of Messrs. Luis Czyzewski and Mario Aberbuch, fs. 9370 vta.).
In this way, “the purpose of the criminal plan was to neutralize the function of red alerts, and for this it was not necessary to expressly lift them. And this criminal plan was consummated: [t]here it has been possible to establish, throughout the process, that the signing of the understanding treaty with Iran, produced its incorporation into the screens that Interpol uses to record red alerts. This necessarily alters its function.” (Idem, fs. 9378 row.).
To support this hypothesis, the accusation refers to the fact that the Memorandum of Understanding had two different principles of execution. On the one hand, the one corresponding to all the clauses of the agreement – with the exception of one – which required the approval of both States and the reciprocal exchange of notes verbales informing such event for the entry into force of the instrument. On the other, the one stipulated in the seventh clause, whose operability was born with the mere signing of the instrument and the subsequent communication to Interpol. It also understands that, in accordance with previous practices of the international police organization, the maintenance of arrest notifications did not depend on the judge in the AMIA case, but that those could be directly annulled by Interpol in light of a political agreement communicated by both countries.
Described in the terms outlined, the contrasting of the accusatory hypothesis requires the examination of four aspects related to the case: a)
what is the legal status of the Memorandum of Understanding, b) what legal possibilities exist for an early entry into force; c) which is the body with the final decision to resolve the maintenance of red notices and, where appropriate, c) what suitability does the international instrument have to put the survival of notifications in crisis.
In international law, treaties can take on various names depending on the specifications they contain. Whatever its nomen iuris -a matter that is not relevant to go into the case file-, the same legal transaction is defined as covered under the category of international treaty (cf.: Guillermo R. Moncayo, Raúl Vinuesa and Hortensia Gutiérrez Posse, "International Law Public", Ed. Zavalía, Bs.As., 2001, T. I, p. 96). Conceptually, a treaty imports an agreement of wills between two or more subjects of international law that tends to create, modify or extinguish rights of this order (Idem, op. cit., T. I, pp. 96 and 97). More precisely, the two Vienna Conventions applicable to the matter, from 1969 and 1986, define the treaty as "an international agreement entered into in writing between the States and governed by international law, whether it is contained in a single instrument or in two or more related instruments and whatever their particular denomination" (art. 2, sub. 1, app. "a" Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969 and art. 2, sub. I, app. "a" Convention on the Law of Treaties between States and International Organizations or between International Organizations of 1986). Under such conditions, the
Memorandum of Understanding
between Argentina
and Iran is
an international treaty
of character
bilateral
concluded between States and,
as such, it is
subject in
its regulations to the provisions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of the year 1969, approved by our country through law 19,865 and in
Valid since January 27, 1980 (the 1986 Vienna Convention was approved in 1990 by Argentina through Law 23,782 but has not yet entered into force according to the provisions of Article 85).
As a consequence of this, articles 11 to 17 of the Convention contemplate four modalities of being bound by a treaty as a form of manifestation of consent: with the mere signing of the instrument (art. 12), with the exchange of the same ( art. 13), with the exchange or deposit of the instruments of ratification, acceptance or adhesion to the treaty (arts. 14, 15 and 16), or through any other mechanism agreed by the parties (art. 11).
Now, as established in the sixth clause of the text in Spanish – which agrees with its original in English – of the Memorandum:
“6. Entry into force. This agreement will be submitted to the relevant bodies of each country, be they Congress, Parliament or other bodies, for their ratification or approval in accordance with their laws.
This agreement will enter into force after the exchange of the last verbal note informing that the internal requirements for its approval or ratification have been fulfilled.”
For its part, clause 7 provides:
“7. Interpol. This agreement, after being signed, will be submitted jointly by both foreign ministers to the Secretary General of Interpol in compliance with the requirements demanded by Interpol in relation to this case."
Examination of the transcribed clauses reveals that, as is usual in international treaties, the Memorandum of Understanding stipulated its own requirements for its entry into force, which was conditioned by two circumstances: 1) approval by the organs constitutional provisions authorized by each of
the contracting States –Argentina and Iran– and; 2) a subsequent exchange between the two informing through reciprocal notes verbales the fulfillment of the internal law requirements for its approval.
The formation of an international treaty is a process that, with more or less conceptual distinctions, is grouped into four stages: a) negotiation, b) signing, c) approval, and d) ratification (cf.: Germán J. Bidart Campos, "Elemental Treaty of Argentine Constitutional Law", op. cit., T. II-A, p. 353).
Regarding the Argentine legal system, the negotiation, subscription and ratification of the instrument are the responsibility of the National Executive Branch as head of the Nation's foreign relations (art. 99, sub. 11 CN). However, the approval requires the concurrence of the will of both houses of Congress (art. 75, subsections 22 and 24 CN) with a variable level of majorities depending on the matter regulated by the respective instruments. There is also a common fund requirement for all treaties that emanates from Article 27 of the National Constitution, according to which none of these instruments may contravene "the principles of public law established in [the] Constitution."
Following the described procedure, the Memorandum of Understanding was negotiated and subsequently signed on behalf of the Argentine State by the then Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman, on January 27, 2013, and obtained approval by the National Congress exactly one month later , through the enactment of Law 26,843 (B.O. 3/1/2013) thus enabling the internal law path of the Argentine State.
As regards the other signatory State, the internal validity requirements are stipulated in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran approved by the Constituent Assembly of that country on November 15, 1979 and
ratified via referendum on December 2 and 3 of that year, with the reforms of 1989 (a complete version in Spanish of the Iranian Constitution can be verified in Alberto Gache's translation of the Italian version, translated in turn from Farsi by Professor Giorgio Vercellin, cfr.: Annals of the National Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, Volume IX, Year 1980, pp. 513 to 532, available at: (https://www.ancmyp.org.ar/user /CONTINUATIONANALES/34_ VOLUME%20IX.PDF to 09/29/21)).
Although it is a theocratic State or “Islamic Republic” (principle 2 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran) that places the highest authority in a supreme leader or “Ayatollah”, the Iranian constitutional regime presents in many aspects similarities with a good part of the western constitutional systems. There is a division of the functions of power into three large departments such as the legislative, the executive and the judicial, the latter expressly designated as an independent body (principle 156) from the others. Regarding the present case, the Islamic Constitution conditions the validity of an international treaty in that country to the approval of its Parliament (principles
77 and 125), which is unicameral (principles 62 and 63). However, it requires a further step by submitting Parliament's decisions to the endorsement of the "Council of Supervisors" who, as the body expressly entrusted with interpreting the Constitution (principle 98), performs an ex ante "compatibility" examination of any norm approved by that “for the purposes of its conformity with the principles of Islam and the Constitution” (principle 94). In a sense analogous to the Argentine Constitution, the Iranian Constitution also subjects the validity of international treaties to a substantive requirement: the prohibition of incorporating into domestic law any international instrument that stipulates a "preponderance of other countries" over "natural resources, the economy, or the
army or that in any way undermines the dignity of the country” (principle 153).
In accordance with the constitutional bases described, it is not a disputed fact that although the Argentine Republic complied with its commitment to approve the instrument, it did not proceed to its ratification, which, in the present case, consisted of the exchange verbal notice with the Iranian state. There is also no controversy –or, at least, there is no evidence provided in the case file to deny it– regarding the fact that the Memorandum did not complete the internal approval procedures in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Although the then President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad signed the instrument on May 19, 2013, it never reached parliamentary approval in that country (cfr.: "What does the memorandum between Argentina and Iran consist of?", in the newspaper "El País", on January 20, 2015, available at: (https://elpais.com/internacional/2015/01/20/actualidad/1421761447_821346.html al 09/29/21)). As a logical consequence of the foregoing, the bilateral exchange of notes verbales provided for in the sixth clause of the instrument did not take place either.
It is up to us to explore now, despite the lack of entry into force, if the treaty contained some mechanism of early validity that –as the accusation postulates– allows to give life to any of its provisions from the very moment of its signing. More specifically, if the obligation of the parties to communicate the agreement to Interpol stipulated in the seventh clause could be presented as a mechanism of partial and early entry into force
of the Memorandum and, as such, likely to begin to produce partial effects, among which could be the cessation of Interpol's intervention and, as a consequence, the fall of the red notices in force.
According to the regime of the Vienna Convention, the general rule is that a treaty enters into force when the instrument itself indicates so (art. 24). In bilateral treaties that require internal approval, the obligation arises when the States exchange the respective international instruments of ratification (cf.: Guillermo R. Moncayo, Raúl Vinuesa and Hortensia Gutiérrez Posse, op. cit., T. I, pp. 111 and 112). There is, however, an exceptional possibility that, without prejudice to the actually agreed entry into force, the international instrument may begin to have a provisional application, that is, produce effects previously in all or in some of its parts. In order for a treaty to have a provisional application, Article 25 of the Convention stipulates that the instrument itself must provide for it or that the negotiating States have agreed otherwise. It is an exceptional, punctual modality and with a limited time window that runs from the moment of signing until the expected date of entry into force and is intended to overcome the slowness of the internal process of formation of the will of the signatory subjects. (Cfr.: Ricardo Arredondo, "Course on Public International Law", Ed. Ad-Hoc, Bs.As., 2020, p. 57). In all cases, when a provisional application is agreed, international practice requires an express stipulation.
Before its approval, that is, once the consent to be bound has been expressed, but prior to its ratification, the only obligation that weighs on the signatory States is that established in Article 18 of the Convention to refrain from performing acts that "frustrate the object and purpose of the treaty."
Outside this assumption, it is the date of deposit of the international instrument that translates the consent to be bound (cf.: Guillermo R. Moncayo, Raúl Vinuesa and Hortensia Gutiérrez Posse, op. cit., T. I, p. 112), unless the treaty provides for a specific modality of entry into force which, as in the present case, is subject to the exchange of notes verbales between both States informing their internal approval.
As soon as the Memorandum of Understanding is examined, only one effective provision can be identified: the already explained sixth clause. Apart from it, we do not find in the instrument any provision that provides for its provisional application in the terms of Article 25 of the Vienna Convention, considering that none of its provisions contemplates, either expressly or even implicitly, something similar. Added to this is that none of the nine clauses that comprise it present a wording similar to one of the provisional application clauses contained in the project of model clauses for the provisional application of treaties prepared by the United Nations International Law Commission that puts us in the presence of a treaty with provisional application (cfr.: 1.-United Nations, "Report of the International Law Commission", 71st period of sessions, April 29 to June 7 and July 8 to August 2019, New York, 2019, Doc. A/74/10, Annex A, pp. 388 to 392, available at (https://undocs.org/es/A/74/10 to 09/29/21 ); 2.-United Nations, General Assembly, International Law Commission, "Provisional application of treaties. Comments and observations received from Governments and international organizations", New York, 2019, Doc. A/CN.4/737, available in (https://undocs.org/pdf? symbol=es/A/CN.4/737 as of 09/29/21).
In the presence of the arguments presented, we are facing a second conclusion: the Memorandum
Discarded then the possibility of an early validity of the treaty, in the absence of an express stipulation, it corresponds to investigate what was the purpose of the communication to Interpol contained in the seventh clause of the instrument itself and, fundamentally, if this provision would have power to initiate an administrative process before the aforementioned international entity likely to end the validity of the red notices published against the five citizens required by the Argentine justice system.
While the defenses identify the judge in the AMIA case as the only magistrate capable of ordering the cessation of the red notices, both the complaint and the Prosecutor's Office highlight that Interpol had regulatory powers to drop the notifications without an order from the judge of the cause.
Explained by Interpol itself in its meaning and scope, the notifications are international notices used by the police to transmit information to their colleagues around the world about crimes, criminals and threats. They are disseminated by Interpol to all member countries at the request of a country or an authorized international entity. The information disseminated through them is
refers to people wanted for having committed serious crimes, missing persons, corpses to be identified, potential dangers, prisoner escapes and criminal modus operandi offering great visibility for crimes or serious incidents.
Based on their internal organization, notifications are coded into seven categories or colors: red, yellow, blue, black, green, orange, and purple; to which is added a new model which is called: "special notification from Interpol and the UN Security Council".
Red notices constitute a request for preventive detention for the purpose of extradition communicated by one of the Interpol Central Bureaus in a country or an international entity with competence in matters of criminal investigation and prosecution (article 82 of the Interpol Regulations on the Data treatment). As expressly indicated by the entity itself, "the legal basis for red notices is the arrest warrant or court order issued or issued by the judicial authorities of the country concerned" (cfr.: www.interpol.int, more specifically: (https ://www.interpol.int/es/Comotrabajamos/Notificaci ones/Acerca–de–las–notificaciones al 09/29/21) They are valid for five years and can be renewed indefinitely (cfr.: Interpol Report, OCN Buenos Aires, dated February 6, 2017, page 4269. Through them, Interpol provides valuable assistance to the police entities of the member countries in making themselves aware of the provisions of the competent authority of a sovereign country. .
Now, article 5th. of the Interpol Regulation on Data Processing (cfr.: (https://www.interpol.int/es/Quienessomos/Marcojuridic o/Documentos–juridicos al 09/29/21)) stipulates that “international police cooperation shall be will be carried out within the framework of the general rules that govern the operation of the Organization, in particular its
Statute”. For its part, the Statute provides in its article 3. that “[t]he Organization is strictly prohibited from any activity or intervention in
issues or character issues
political,
military,
religious or racial.” (cf.:
Statute
of the
International Organization for
Police
Criminal
Interpol, approved by the General Assembly of the Organization, at its 25th meeting, in Vienna in 1956, with the modifications of 1962, 1964, 1977, 1984, 1997,
2008 and 2017, available at (https://www.interpol.int/es/Quienes–somos/Que–es– INTERPOL at 09/29/21), the highlighting belongs to me).
In turn, the status of notifications is regulated in a common way for all its categories by article 81 of the regulation on data processing whose text in Spanish is pertinent to transcribe:
“Article 81: Suspension or withdrawal or annulment of a notification.
1.Both the National Central Office and the international entity that has requested the publication of a notification may suspend its request for cooperation or its alert for a period not exceeding six months. It will indicate the reasons for said suspension to the General Secretariat, which will proceed to suspend the notification.
2. The National Central Office or the international entity that has requested the publication of a notification will be obliged to withdraw its requestfor cooperation or its alert and request the General Secretariat to proceed immediately to the destruction of the notice provided that:
a) the request or alert has achieved its purpose; either
b) the request or alert is linked to other successful requests or alerts without which the alert cannot be maintained
c) don't want to keep notification; or
d) the notification no longer meets the minimum conditions for publication.
3. The General Secretariat will cancel a notification provided that:
a) the request for cooperation or the alert following which the notification has been published has achieved its purpose, and this information has been confirmed by the National Central Bureau or the international entity that requested the publication of the notification; either
b) the request or alert is linked to other requests or alerts that have achieved their purpose without which it cannot be maintained; either
c)the notice no longer meets the minimum conditions for publication; or
d) the National Central Office or the international entity that has requested its publication has received the necessary data to carry out the required actions, but has not taken any action in this regard and, after being consulted, has not provided sufficient explanations about this inaction." (Emphasis does not correspond to the original).
According to the transcribed text, it is inferred that Interpol notifications are subject to three interruptive mechanisms during their validity: a) suspension, which takes place for a period not exceeding six months (art. 81, sub. 1 ); b) withdrawal, which can become operational in cases where the alert request fulfilled its purpose –vgr. when the requested party managed to be detained– or when it is linked to other notifications that have fulfilled their purpose, when the requesting Central Office does not wish to maintain it or, finally, when the notification loses the minimum conditions for its publication (art. 81, sub. 2 ); and c) the annulment that, as in cases of withdrawal, can take place when the notification fulfilled its purpose or is linked to another notification that fulfilled it, when it loses the minimum conditions for its publication and, additionally, when the Office Central or international entity that requested the notification does not take any action in relation to the requested despite having the data to do so (art. 81, sub. 3).
In the three cases described, the body that orders the expiration of notifications is the General Secretariat of Interpol. In the case of its suspension or withdrawal, it is done at the initiative of the Central Office or the international entity that requested the notification; In cases of annulment, the General Secretariat proceeds directly without any requirement from any party.
To complement this examination, in what concerns the case at hand, article 83 of the Data Processing Regulations establishes the minimum conditions that a red notice must meet for its publication: a) the crimes that justify the search must be serious; b) with a maximum penalty of at least two years in prison or, in the case of an arrest warrant for serving a sentence, with a term of more than six months for effective compliance; c) it must be a case of interest for international cooperation; d) the notification must comply with the identification data and a photograph of the person requested;
e) must contain a brief description of the criminal acts; f) the legal qualification of the facts; g) the citation of the legal norms that penalize them; h) the maximum penalty applicable to the crime, the amount of the sentence to be served or that remains to be served, as the case may be; and, finally, i) a copy or reference of the valid arrest warrant or equivalent resolution.
The survey carried out indicates that the Interpol General Secretariat is the assigned agency, in its capacity as "international center for the fight against common law crime" and "technical and information center" (art. 26, incs. "b" and "c" Interpol Statute), which acts as the comptroller of legality of the normative provisions of Interpol in relation to the treatment of published data. It is precisely as a consequence of this control function that, as the OCN Buenos Aires explains to us, the General Secretariat prepares a
directory of practices applied in relation to the so-called “neutrality clause”, contained in article 3 of the Statute. Based on various guidelines issued both by the General Assembly and by the new provisions of international law, the General Secretariat stipulates the application criteria of the different notifications taking as parameters the different types of crimes, the charges and the facts charged, the condition of the persons concerned, the identity of the source of the data, the opinion of another National Central Office other than the one requesting the publication, the obligations of international law, the repercussions on the neutrality of the organization and the general context of the case (cf. .: Interpol report, OCN Buenos Aires, dated
February 6, 2017, fs. 4269).
The applicable regulatory framework answers the third question: as evidenced by articles 5 and 81 of the Data Processing Regulations, and without prejudice to the reviewing powers that the Executive Committee or the General Assembly have over the decision, the The body with the final decision to decide the validity of the red notices is not the judge of the AMIA case, but the General Secretariat of Interpol. At this point, as postulated by one of the two complaints (cf.: response in voce of Dr.
Tomas Farini
Duggan,
in “Christina
Fernandez
of
Kirchner and
others s/
incident of
nullity”,
6th grade
audience, ob. cit., see specifically 48:10 to 55:10) it is imperative to distinguish between the arrest warrants against the required Iranians, whose authority rests with the judge in the case, and the publication of red notices, whose subsistence, as we have seen, rests in the General Secretariat of Interpol, with the intervention, where appropriate, of the National Offices. It is precisely the intelligence described, compared with the documentation contained in the Interpol report, produced on June 22, 2020, which
allows us to legally explain how on October 3, 2004, the General Secretariat of Interpol informed the OCN Buenos Aires that it would suspend the dissemination of arrest notices against Iranian citizens and their subsequent discharge the following year by decision of the Committee Executive, despite the express opposition of the Argentine authorities.
Being linked then, the permanence of the notifications to the decision of Interpol, it is appropriate to investigate what is the suitability attributed by the international criminal police entity to the Memorandum of Understanding, to put in crisis the subsistence of the red notices. We find evidence in the case file that explicitly provides a conclusive answer.
According to testimony in the record, Roberto García Moritán, in a meeting held in 2007 between the then Secretary General of Interpol, Ronald Noble, and Iranian diplomatic authorities, of which meeting he took part in his capacity as Argentine Vice Foreign Minister, "the Iranian delegation concentrated He drew attention to the lifting of the red notices and asked the Director General of Interpol, Mr. Ronald Noble, what could be the possible mechanisms for this to happen. Director [N]oble replied that there were two ways. One by request of the judge of the AMIA case and another by means of an agreement of the parties. The Iranian delegation insisted on the meaning of the agreement of the parties and Director Noble told them that this implied a political agreement between the two governments that would be notified to INTERPOL, and that this could also be an element for the lifting of the red circulars”. In this way, once the Memorandum was known, adds the witness, “I linked Iran's concern at the INTERPOL meeting with point seven of the [M]orandum. This is because it was an unprecedented situation in public international law, in which there was an instrument that had two different mechanisms for
its entry into force. One was the parliamentary ratification for eight of the nine points, while for the entry into force of the seventh point, only the simple signing of the document was enough. As I said, such a unique mechanism in the history of international law reminded me of what was discussed at the meeting in France” (cf.: witness statement of Roberto García Moritán, fs. 6993/4; the emphasis does not correspond to the original). With this interpretation, according to the accusatory hypothesis, the requirement contained in the seventh clause of the Memorandum to communicate its subscription to Interpol would find its raison d'être in order, in this way, to enable it to interpret that both countries reached a bilateral agreement that no longer made the subsistence of the notifications is necessary (cf.: requisition of the Public Prosecutor's Office, fs. 9484 and vta.).
It should be noted that voluminous evidence was produced during the investigation, including several reports from the criminal police entity Interpol, among which the one on fs. 7400/7448). However, on June 22, 2020, a new Interpol report arrived at the case, which had a significant impact on that investigation, by providing new evidence that I find decisive for the processing of the case and, unlike what was sustained by the representative of the Public Ministry, are likely to be considered as new evidence under the terms of article 361 CPPN.
Among the chronology of the actions carried out by Interpol regarding the internal processing of the Memorandum between the end of 2012 and the end of 2013 outlined on fs. 7443 by the original report accompanied during the investigation, it can be seen that there is no record between October 3, 2012 and December 4, 2013. On the contrary, as noted by Zannini's defense attorney (cf.: rejoinder in voice of Dr. Mariano Fragueiro in “Cristina
Fernández de Kirchner and others regarding the nullity incident”, 6th hearing, ob. cit., see specifically: 1:54:20 to 1:59:47), a letter dated February 15, 2013 addressed to the Secretary General of Interpol by the then Argentine Foreign Minister appears in the new report of June 22, 2020. Héctor Timerman –received by Interpol on the same date– in which, in compliance with the provisions of the seventh clause, he announces the execution of the Memorandum of Understanding.
As far as this case is concerned, what is expressed in the second paragraph of said letter acquires importance, in which Timerman states that “according to the applicable regulations, any change in the international capture requirements duly formulated to INTERPOL from Argentina in relation to the serious crimes investigated in the AMIA case, can only be carried out by the Argentine judge with jurisdiction in said case, Dr. Rodolfo Canicoba Corral, in charge of the [National Court in Federal Criminal and Correctional N° 6 of this city. In other words, the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, its eventual approval by the relevant bodies of both States and its future entry into force, do not produce any change in the applicable criminal procedure, nor in the status of the requirements of international capture referred to above.” (Cfr.: Interpol report of June 22, 2020; highlighting does not correspond to the original).
The transcribed letter unequivocally reveals the Argentine government's intention that the Memorandum of Understanding does not produce any effect in relation to current catches. But it allows, in turn, to infer the same spirit in relation to the notifications, as declared in the case file by the Deputy Director General of the Foreign Ministry's International Legal Counsel, Dr. Holger Martinsen, who expressly stated that he had attended the meeting with Interpol on the days 14 and 15
of March 2013, with the express order of Foreign Minister Timerman to “procure an unequivocal and written statement from INTERPOL, acknowledging that the signing of the Memorandum does not affect the red alerts issued in relation to the AMIA case, in the sense in which he had expressed it in his letter to the Noble Director, dated February 15, 201[3]” (cfr.: download of fs. 7292/7339, see specifically fs. 7317 vta./7318 vta.).
But if the need to distinguish between the effects of the captures and the subsistence of the red notices persists, the response provided by Interpol to Timerman's letter is also eloquent, a document that, as with the previous letter, I consider that it has sufficient entity to seal the fate of the accusatory hypothesis under study.
Once the signing of the Memorandum was communicated, as evidenced by the transcribed note, on March 15, 2013, the Legal Counsel of Interpol, Joël Sollier, acknowledged receipt of the communication from Chancellor Timerman and, as regards the case concerned, undoubtedly in the name of Interpol, provided the following response: "The Office of Legal Affairs of the INTERPOL General Secretariat states that this agreement does not imply any type of change in the status of the red notices published in relation to to the crimes investigated in the AMIA case", adding that "[i]n this sense, the Office of Legal Affairs considers that the aforementioned agreement is a positive development in the clarification of the case" (cfr.: report of Interpol of June 22, 2020; the highlighting does not correspond to the original).
The official nature of the response
–considering the Interpol letterhead on the paper and the accredited functional competence of the issuer–, coupled with the verified validity, uninterrupted throughout all these years, of the
red notices (their current validity can be checked by anyone visiting the Interpol website https://www.interpol.int and, more specifically, at
(https://www.interpol.int/es/Comotrabajamos/Notificaci ones/Ver–las–notificaciones–rojas al 09/29/21), stating the surname and first name of each one of those required in the section "Filter Criteria" inserted in the middle part of the left side of the cited page), does not leave the slightest loophole in doubt, not only regarding the novelty of this test, which would justify by this single document the authorization of the treatment of the defenses raised, but rather, in INTERPOL's opinion, the Memorandum of Understanding between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran was not an appropriate instrument to influence the validity of red notices.
Although it is true, as explained above, that Interpol canceled in 2005 the notifications that weighed so much with respect to the former Iranian ambassador in Argentina at the time of the AMIA attack, Mr. Hadi Soleimanpour, as well as to the rest of the required, the context diametrically opposed to that of the case file in which this took place cannot be ignored. In the case of the diplomat, captured in Great Britain at the request of the Argentine justice, the British justice understood – at least preliminarily – that there was no criminal merit for his case. Regarding the rest of the defendants, the cessation of notifications was a necessary consequence of the declaration of nullity of the AMIA case decreed by the Federal Oral Criminal Court No. 3 of Capital Federal. Both events led Interpol to judge that the legal validity of the criminal procedure that served as an enabling budget for the publication of red notices had been affected and, thus, that the "minimum conditions" for the subsistence of the notifications required by the art. 81 of the Regulation of said entity. In
In contrast to what happened in those years, it was proven in the case at hand, that Interpol ruled regarding the Memorandum of Understanding that it lacked such aptitude.
There is still something else to explore.
In compliance with the seventh clause of the treaty, in addition to the note signed by Foreign Minister Timerman, on February 15, 2013, the same day Foreign Ministers Timerman and Salehi also addressed a joint note to the Secretary General of Interpol, Mr. Ronald Noble, notifying the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding in the following terms:
“Ronald K. Noble Secretary General of INTERPOL Lyon, France
Dear Mr. Noble:
A copy of the MOU [Memorandum of Understanding] entered into between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Argentine Republic on the attack on the AMIA in Buenos Aires in 1994 is attached, which is sent by virtue of Article 7 of the document .
We take this opportunity to thank you for your efforts on various occasions in past years aimed at bringing the delegations of our countries closer together to resolve their differences in your organization with mutual understanding and respect.
Similarly, we are pleased to inform you that both countries have agreed that the issues between them regarding the AMIA case will be resolved through bilateral cooperation.
[Signature] On behalf of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Ali Akbar SALEHI. Chancellor.
[Signature] On behalf of the Argentine Republic: Héctor TIMERMAN. Chancellor." (cfr.: text in Spanish in the Annex to the Legal Department Directorate –DICOL–, Folder II, folio 28 and the
original in English without
number between the
folio
24 and 26).
As a consequence
–or not– of
this
communication, on March 12, 2013, the General Secretariat of Interpol, proceeded to insert in the "Individuals Report" of the I-24/7 system ("secure police communication system") a legend -only in language English – within the file of five of the requested Iranians, which survives to this day, which is inserted in the computer system screen prior to the opening of the notification and which can only be seen by the Central Offices of each country ( Cfr.: Interpol Report, OCN Buenos Aires dated April 4, 2017, fs. 4767). The insert reads verbatim:
“The General Secretariat of Interpol has been informed that on 01/27/2013 an agreement was signed between Argentina and the Islamic Republic of Iran on the terrorist attack on the AMIA in 1994 in relation to the present notification with the in order to resolve this issue through diplomatic channels. The status of this notification remains unchanged, as decided by the Interpol General Assembly in 2007.” (cfr.: Radiograma LA/35678–68/5.2 sent with date
March 16, 2017 by the Legal Affairs Department of the Interpol General Secretariat to the Buenos Aires OCN, text in English in the Legal Department Directorate Annex – DICOL–, Folder II, unnumbered, between pages 24 and 26; emphasis does not correspond to the original).
According to the subsidiary hypothesis of the accusation, although the signing of the treaty did not have virtuality for its cancellation, the communication of the agreement to Interpol “moderated” the validity of the notifications, implying a “favor[ing] [of] the objectives of a foreign power that has a
public controversy with Argentina” (cfr.: requisition of the complaint filed by the DAIA, fs. 9331 vta.) enabling the transcribed insertion in the file of the detainees that could not be eliminated as a result of the refusal of the NCO Tehran that considers the annotation valid. I don't understand it like that.
From the legend of the registry transcribed above, it is expressly clarified that "the status of this notification [refers to the red notifications in force] remains unchanged." But if even this expression leaves someone room for doubt, it is convenient to cite the following paragraph from Radiogram LA/35678-68/5.2, sent on March 16, 2017, by the Legal Affairs Department of the Interpol General Secretariat to the OCN Buenos Aires, where the annotation was reported:
“We would like to clarify that, according to our files, neither Iran nor Argentina requested that a caveat be added in relation to the MOU [Memorandum of Understanding]. In fact, as we can establish by virtue of our review of the matter, it would turn out that the decision to add the warning was made by the General Secretariat. Similarly, we would like to point out that, as indicated in the warning, it does not affect the validity of the red notices and its sole purpose was to inform member countries of the existence of the MOU. This position was also expressed in a letter dated March 15, 2013 sent by INTERPOL's Legal Advisor to the Foreign Minister of Argentina (...). Consequently, the individuals involved have remained the subject of valid Red Notices and have been listed in INTERPOL's database as “wanted” by the Argentine authorities. We confirm that this situation remains unchanged.” (cf.: Radiograma LA/35678–68/5.2, ob. cit., the emphasis does not correspond to the original).
I am not unaware that, as reported by the OCN Buenos Aires, there have been precedents within Interpol that led the entity to interpret that
The conclusion of an agreement between States could have implications for their obligation of neutrality provided for in art. 3 of its Statute and, in this way, as happened with the well-known precedent "Rainbow Warrior", lead it to interrupt its international cooperation (cfr.: report of the OCN Buenos Aires dated April 4, 2017, fs. 4769). But if we are going to rely on what was reported by Interpol to give entity to the accusatory hypothesis, elementary conditions of coherence and intellectual honesty demand to take its report in a totality plane. So, just as the existence of precedents within the entity that led to the interruption of the publication of notifications due to an agreement between States is true, it is also less true that, in the present case, it was the entity itself who, through its Secretary General, and its highest authority in legal matters, ruled stating that the Memorandum of Understanding had no entity to produce any change regarding the status of the notifications. This circumstance constitutes a conclusive obstacle to assimilating the present case to what happened in 2013 due to the sinking of the Greenpeace ship “Rainbow Warrior” at the hands of French agents in 1985.
Whatever the purpose of the registration of the “banner” transcribed in the file of the defendants, the insertion did not have a significance that could go beyond advertising an agreement which no entity had to interfere with the validity of notifications. The best proof that supports this conclusion is that, even after the communication of the agreement, and more than eight years after its registration -I will have to insist again- the red notices continue to be in force to this day, without the Prosecutor's Office or any of the complaints have provided any evidence at this point that allows attributing its validity to some collateral reason other than the one explained here.
It is precisely the “neutrality clause” contained in article 3 of the Interpol Statute that can explain the treatment provided by the entity to the data provided by both States in relation to the Memorandum of Understanding.
In this way, in the same way that Interpol registered the agreement, it also proceeded to register the declaration of unconstitutionality of the treaty by the Argentine justice, consigning at the end of said procedure, that "The General Secretariat does not take position regarding the agreement and states that its status is a bilateral issue between Argentina and the Islamic Republic of Iran”, precisely, in order not to get involved in matters of a political nature as expressly prohibited by its Statute.
Unless the Interpol authorities themselves were part of the conspiracy along with the defendants herein, the forcefulness of the evidence described prevents the criminal hypothesis submitted for consideration by this Court from being convicting, both by the Public Prosecutor's Office and by by the two private prosecutors.
The conclusions presented, by logical consequence, also determine the fate of the second criminal hypothesis.
2. The central nucleus of the Memorandum of Understanding revolved around the creation of a "Truth Commission", whose organization, operation and powers were regulated under the following guidelines:
“1. Establishment of the Commission. A Truth Commission made up of international jurists will be created to analyze all the documentation presented by the authorities
judicial courts of Argentina and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Commission will be composed of five (5) commissioners and two (2) members designated by each country, selected according to their recognized international legal prestige. These may not be nationals of either of the two countries. Both countries will jointly agree on an international jurist with high moral standards and legal prestige, who will act as president of the Commission.
2. Rules of procedure. After consulting the parties, the Commission will establish its rules of procedure that will be approved by the parties.
3. Information Exchange. Once the Commission has been established, the authorities of Iran and Argentina will send to each other and to the Commission, the evidence and information that they have on the AMIA case. The commissioners will conduct a detailed review of the evidence relating to each of the defendants; the Commission may consult the parties in order to complete the information.
4. Commission report. After having analyzed the information received from both parties and made consultations with the parties and individuals, the Commission will express its vision and issue a report with recommendations on how to proceed with the case within the framework of the law and regulations of both parties. Both parties will take these recommendations into account in their future actions.
5. Audience. The Commission and the Argentine and Iranian judicial authorities will meet in Tehran to proceed to question those persons for whom Interpol has issued a red notice.
The Commission will have the authority to ask questions to the representatives of each party. Each party has the right to give explanations or present new documentation during the meetings.”
According to what is sustained by the requirement of public accusation:
“[A]s well as seeking to lift the red alerts that weighed on the Iranian defendants, the defendants went further and planned the fraudulent implementation of a criminal hypothesis that not only sought to definitively separate those who, to this day today, they are charged for the most serious terrorist attack that Argentina suffered, but also for the mendacious incrimination of innocent people” (cfr.: request for submission to trial of the Public Prosecutor's Office, fs. 9558 round.).
In this way,
“The defendants also promoted the actions aimed at building an alternative and false version of the bombing of the AMIA headquarters, but which at the same time had public credibility and made it possible to redirect the investigation towards other defendants, thus covering up the Iranian fugitives. [Thus], [t]he “Truth Commission” provided for in the agreement was created for these purposes, and its recommendations, established in advance, would be the path to impunity [since] [l] The creation of a new criminal hypothesis that would explain the attack from another perspective and that would lead the investigation towards “new perpetrators” was a fundamental piece in the cover-up.” (Idem, fs. 9555 and row.).
In short,
“the purpose pursued by the defendants with the creation of the “Truth Commission” was none other than to hinder the investigation of case 8566/1996, and ensure that the Iranian fugitives obtain the necessary help to avoid criminal prosecution .” (Idem, fs. 9588 row.).
The so-called “truth commissions” can be defined as “official, non-judicial bodies of limited validity that are set up to clarify facts, causes and consequences related to past violations of human rights” (cfr.: González, Eduardo and Varney, Howard (eds.), "In search of the truth. Elements for the creation of an effective truth commission", Brasilia, Commission of
Brazilian Ministry of Justice Amnesty, New York, International Center for Transitional Justice, 2013, available at (https://www.ictj.org/sites/default/files/ICTJ–Book– Truth–Seeking– 2013–Spanish.pdf at 09/29/21), p. 13).
From 1974 to date, there were at least thirty commissions of this kind. There have been truth commissions in Peru (Commission to Investigate the events of Uchuraccay, created by Supreme Decree of the
January 27, 1983, and Investigative Commission of the massacres in the Prisons, created in August 1986), in Argentina (National Commission for the Disappearance of Persons, created by decree 187 of 15 December 1983), Guatemala (1987), Chile (National Truth and Reconciliation Commission, created by Supreme Decree 3355 of April 24, 1990), El Salvador (Truth Commission, created in the Mexico Agreement of April 27, 1991), Yugoslavia (1993), Rwanda (1993), South Africa (Truth and Reconciliation Commission, established in 1995), Canada (Truth and Reconciliation Commission, established in 2009), Sierra Leone < /b>(1999), Peru (Truth and Reconciliation Commission, created in 2000), Ghana (2002), East Timor ( Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation, created in 2002), Morocco (2004), Democratic Republic of the Congo (2004), Colombia (2005 and Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence and Non-repetition, created by decree-law
588 of April 5, 2017). They also had their “Truth Commissions”, countries such as Haiti, Liberia and Indonesia, among others.
The object of these commissions has traditionally been the investigation of human rights abuses committed in a country during a certain period of time, as well as violations of international humanitarian law and war crimes (cf.: Office of the High United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights, “Instruments of the Rule of Law for
societies that have emerged from conflict. Truth Commissions”, United Nations, New York–Geneva, 2006, p. 9, available at: (https://www.ohchr.org/documents/publications/ruleofla wtruthcommissionssp.pdf at 09/29/21).
These are generally organizations that have operated intra-state and in a transitional political stage. However, based on the fact that "each truth commission will be unique, and will correspond to the national context and the special opportunities that exist" (Idem, p. 5), there is no legal obstacle that prevents its diversification, through the legal mechanisms established by their respective constitutive instruments, as long as they respect the highest-ranking internal law regulations, prevailing in each of the countries.
In addition, due to their function, truth commissions lack amnesty and exculpatory powers. In this regard, it has been said that "[m]ost truth commissions are not empowered to grant amnesty to the perpetrators of crimes" and, for the most part, they can only "recomm[end] in their final report that initiate a criminal action (or a judicial investigation leading to possible prosecutions) for the facts that they have documented, and they will often turn over the evidence at their disposal to the judicial authorities” (idem, p. 11). In this way, they cannot, as a general rule, incriminate or disincriminate anyone, unless there is an express mandate that so authorizes it in the instrument of its constitution. When the latter does not take place, they can only formulate recommendations.
In international practice, exculpatory powers were granted to truth commissions only five times. Examples of this were those that acted in South Africa, Timor-Leste, Liberia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Indonesia (Idem, p. 12). But it is important to clarify that in all cases, these powers, due to their exceptional nature,
They arose from an express mandate of their respective constitutive instruments and excluded crimes against humanity from these faculties.
Truth commissions collect experiences and, therefore, issue “recommendations” and not “judgments” (cfr.: Natalia Otero Herrera, “Top 5: Truth Commissions in the World”, available at: (https ://www.vice.com/es/article/avm8jj/truth–y– new account at 09/29/21)).
Thus, the High Commissioner for Human Rights for the United Nations affirms that, “in general, a truth commission should be considered as complementary to judicial action”. Therefore, "in their capacity as non-judicial bodies", "they cannot prosecute anyone" and their reports become important as "reference material" (Idem, p. 27). Their investigations are not judicial in nature, they do not establish individual criminal responsibility for specific cases, they do not determine the punishment, nor do they use rules of due process applicable in a judicial proceeding (cf.: González, Eduardo and Varney, Howard (eds.), “In search for the truth…”, op. cit., p. 14).
In international practice, only the truth commissions that operated in El Salvador and Sierra Leone had powers to issue reports of a binding nature for the States in which they operated. However, mandatory recommendations have been discouraged, with good sense, by the United Nations Human Rights and International Law bodies, because this type of power could cause constitutional problems in the domestic law of the respective countries. Therefore, they are of an exceptional nature and, when they occur, must be expressly stipulated. Precisely then, as the report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights highlights, "it may be preferable, therefore, to demand the serious consideration of the recommendations and the
periodic presentation of public reports about its application” (Idem, p. 13) as a limit of action to these commissions.
The Memorandum of Understanding between Argentina and Iran created a bilateral truth commission that was awarded the following attributions:
a) “[A]nalyze all the documentation presented by the judicial authorities of Argentina and the Islamic Republic of Iran” related to the AMIA case (art. 1).
b) Carry out a “detailed review of the evidence relating to each of the defendants” (art. 3).
c) Request additional information from the States parties (art. 3).
d) Interrogate the Iranian defendants with red circulars and the representatives of each State party (art. 5)
e) Express “their vision” of the case and issue “a report with recommendations on how to proceed with the case within the framework of the law and regulations of both parties”, which “will take these recommendations into account in their future actions ” (art. 4).
The legal framework of action of the truth commissions reported by the United Nations, contrasted with the powers conferred on the Argentine-Iranian commission, leaves no doubts that the commission on file did not have per se, with exculpatory powers, in relation to any accused, and that its recommendations lacked binding effectiveness.
If we examine the instrument under study, we note without hesitation that the Memorandum of Understanding has observed the traditional format in terms of recommendations, by stipulating in its fourth clause, that the commission was empowered to "express its vision" and "issue a report with recommendations on how to proceed in the case, in the
framework of the law and regulations of both parties”. The Argentine and Iranian governments assumed the commitment to "take into account" these recommendations in their future actions. In this way, contrary to what was stated by the Public Ministry in its request (pages 9528), the Truth Commission lacked jurisdictional imperium, since, although it is true that its opinions should be "taken into account", they could not go beyond being recommendations to both States within the framework of their laws and regulations, without prejudice to the political consequences that they could produce. Of course they should be taken into account, because this is a consequence of the principle of good faith of public international law that is expressed in the duty assumed by the parties when signing a treaty. You cannot commit to creating a joint commission and then ignore its opinions. But from there, to transforming into obligatory what –nothing less, but nothing more– must be taken into account, there is an interpretive abyss that is irreconcilable with all the existing international law precedents on the matter.
Only counting on the general attributions of any commission of these characteristics, the Memorandum Truth Commission was not, but one more tool within the Argentine-Iranian judicial cooperation agreement and, thus, an auxiliary of justice, because it did not have direct powers over the accused.
The United Nations High Commissioner recommends in these cases that when “the prosecutions [of the defendants] are already underway and the [truth] commission discovers exculpatory information that shows that an innocent person is being accused of a crime, It is extremely important that the commission bring this information to the attention of the Public Prosecutor” (idem, p. 27).
In this way, the hypothesis of the prosecution that demanded the exculpation of the Iranian defendants through a binding decriminatory report by the Truth Commission established by the Memorandum, cannot be sustained because, even when If the recommendations of that body were “written in advance”, as the Prosecutor's Office affirms – an argument for which it does not provide any evidence, even indicative – no concrete effect could impel since the Argentine justice system would not be formally bound to comply with its recommendations.
The constitution of a Truth Commission requires the institutionalization of a mandate containing the designation of its members, the period of operation, the time frame of the investigation, the facts of the investigation, its fundamental functions and attributions (Office of the High United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights, "Instruments of the rule of law for societies that have emerged from a conflict. Truth Commissions", op. cit., pp. 18/20).
Many of the elements described were absent in the Argentine-Iranian truth commission, making it evident the need for a subsequent regulation of the Memorandum of Understanding that identifies its members and, at least, stipulates the temporary mandate of action and regulates the powers contained. These issues, without
which the Commission cannot function, were never established and constitute a final stumbling block against the criminal hypothesis of the accusation because, whatever its true purpose, the Truth Commission created by the Memorandum of Understanding did not enter , nor could it come into operation, for the reasons detailed above.
In this way, no value can be attributed to the telephone conversations provided in which, in the opinion of the Prosecutor's Office, they would have the utility of proving the planning of a false accusatory theory that ends up redirecting the investigation, since such acts -of to have had the purpose attributed to them- could never have been carried out to the extent that the aforementioned Argentine-Iranian Truth Commission could never be constituted as a result of the failure to enter into force of the Memorandum.
This criminal proposal is nothing more than a failed hypothesis since, since the Memorandum of Understanding was not ratified –to which is added its subsequent declaration of unconstitutionality and the lack of binding effectiveness of its recommendations– it was not possible to conceive any plan criminal through said tool.
3. The proven lack of aptitude before Interpol with which the Memorandum appeared to influence the validity of the arrest notifications that weigh on the required Iranians, as well as the lack of entry into force of the "Truth Commission", instituted by the treaty, force us to resume the analysis of the typical adequacy of the behaviors displayed by the defendants herein in accordance with the criminal hypothesis drawn up by the prosecution.
According to the criminal plan proposed by the prosecution, the Memorandum of Understanding appeared as the original instrument for the two criminal hypotheses tested. Only by means of that could the favoring of the accused become operational
required by Argentine justice through the cancellation –or moderation– of the red notices and their subsequent decrimination through the “Truth Commission” established by the Treaty based on the construction of a criminal hypothesis of the attack to the AMIA different from the one tested by the Argentine courts.
As explained earlier in this decision, under Argentine criminal law, for an act to merit criminal punishment, it must be an action that can be classified as a criminal offense. Its lack of consummation can justify an advance penalty to the extent that there has been what article 42 of the Penal Code claims as a "beginning of execution" of the criminal plan. Only then will the act be considered an attempt and, thus, subject to criminal charges. But for this, the mere externalization of an action is not enough, since the mere manifestation of the purpose of committing a crime does not enter the field of typical prohibition (cf.: Eugenio Raúl Zaffaroni, op. cit., p. 410) until as long as the existence of a behavior that evidences its "criminal determination" is not verified (cf.: Günther Jakobs, op. cit., p. 858) or -according to the dogmatic criterion adopted- or that unequivocally reveals the existence of a criminal plan (cfr.: Esteban Righi, op. cit., p. 519).
For there to be a beginning of execution, which grants the beginning of the attempt, an activity must take place that, judged on the basis of the specific plan of the author, appears according to a natural conception as an integral part of a typical executive action (cf. : Günter Stratenwerth, "Criminal Law. General Part", 4th edition in Spanish by Manuel Cancio Meliá and Marcelo Sancinetti, 3rd reprint Ed. Hammurabi, Bs.As., 2017, p. 196). The action must consist of acts threatening enough to be perceived by the passive subject -the victim- as a stage
immediately to the consummation of the crime, according to the specific plan of the author (cfr.: Eugenio Raúl Zaffaroni, op. cit., p. 452).
What is decisive is that the behavior, which is not yet typical, is so closely linked to the executive action itself according to the total plan of the author, that it can lead to the decisive phase of the event without the need for essential intermediate steps (CNCrimCorr ., Room I, “Galiazzi, Sergio O.”, dated 04/23/1996, La Ley Online).
Now, it happens that none of the acts carried out in relation to the matter under treatment, that is, that the Executive Branch proceeded to sign the treaty, promoted its internal approval before the National Congress and promulgated law 26,843 that sanctioned as a norm of internal law in the Argentine Republic, are related to any criminal hypothesis that could configure a complete or incomplete criminality. Therefore, and for the sole purpose of providing a response to the accusatory argument, I emphasize that in no way should the figure of attempt be considered (art. 42 Penal Code).
In the conditions described, it is not clear how the results of the maneuvers imputed to the objective types in which they were subsumed could be attributed normatively. As long as the Memorandum of Understanding between Argentina and the Islamic Republic of Iran did not have a principle of execution, it does not reveal itself as an ideal legal instrument to jeopardize the investigation of the AMIA case.
Removing a firearm to shoot a person could be considered as the beginning of the execution of a homicide since, thus described, the conduct could possess sufficient threatening entity to be perceived as the beginning of a homicidal act. But it is impossible to grant the same threatening entity to the sanction of a law approving a bilateral international treaty following all
the constitutional and legal procedures established by the internal law of a country. For this reason, given the criminal impossibility indicated, it is not serious to talk about any cover-up if the supposed instrument par excellence to perpetrate the crime never came to be configured.
This is an event that unequivocally lacks objective typicity and, in the best of cases for the prosecution, all the behaviors displayed would not go beyond being preparatory acts that, as such, are not punishable in the orbit of the criminal law.
In such hypotheses, it has been explained with good sense that "the preparation or manufacture of the instrumenta sceleris, or the mere provision of the instruments for the act, do not go beyond being preparatory acts, as well as procuring a place for the made or to remain in it, or also the pure creation or stalking of an opportunity for the fact or the mere removal of the impediments to the realization of the fact” (cfr.: Hans-Joachim Rudolphi, “Inhalt und kunktion des Handlungsunwertes im Rahmen der personalen Unrechtslehre", in Fest F. Maurach, Karlstruhe, 1972, p. 174, cited with criteria shared by Eugenio Raúl Zaffaroni, op. cit., T. IV, p. 456).
In the conditions described, it can only be concluded that the criminal plan denounced by the prosecution did not begin to be executed, since the means –in this case, the two criminal hypotheses– were not suitable to help the accused (art. 277, subsection 1, section "a" CP), nor to prevent or ardently hinder the fulfillment of a functional act by
through intentional interference in the judicial investigation of the AMIA case, in violation of the Constitution and laws (arts. 241, sub. 2 and 248 Penal Code).
Having then reached the conclusion of lack of criminality according to the hypotheses chosen by the accusers, it would be completely sterile to investigate the eventual consequences of imputing non-existent illegal conduct.
I. Apart from the three legal qualifications that dominated the accusation, one of the accusers tried to frame his complaint within the legal qualification of the crime of treason, both in its simple figure (art. 214 Code. Criminal), as in one of its aggravating circumstances (article 215, sub. 1; cf.: request for submission to trial of the complaint of Messrs. Czyzewski and Aberbuch, fs. 9374/9375). In order to request it, it is explained that being Argentines or "persons who owe obedience to the Nation by reason of their employment or function", with the approval of the Memorandum of Understanding, the defendants carried out "for the exclusive benefit of a foreign power whose officials participated in acts of war produced in Argentine territory (...) acts of aid that objectively undermine the independence and legal integrity of the Argentine State” (Idem, fs. 9374 vta). Specifically, they identify the help provided to the “enemy” with three behaviors: removing the required Iranian judges from Argentine judges; question the validity of the evidence and the investigation of the AMIA case carried out by the Argentine justice system; and the intention to authorize a "Truth Commission" to analyze the case proposing recommendations to the Argentine Judiciary (Idem, fs. 9374 vta./9375).
There are few crimes in the history of humanity that can excite and agitate human passions more than treason. The fact of qualifying an act of treason, and the practice
As a result of arbitrary imprisonment and capital punishment, they have been, at all times, the favorite and most formidable instrument of tyranny.
British history has been well acquainted with the amorphous application that this criminal offense has been given, especially during the reign of the Tudors and the Stuarts in the 16th century.
The old English common law left it up to the judge to identify those conducts that constituted “high treason”, thus giving rise to the cruelest punishments for the monarch's political enemies. This practice caught the attention of Montesquieu himself, who did not hesitate to refer to it in his masterpiece as one of the historical examples that proved the need to limit the powers of Parliament (cf.: Montesquieu (Charles Louis de Secondat), "From the spirit of the Laws", Spanish translation by Mercedes Blázques and Pedro de la Vega, Ed. Sarpe, Madrid, 1984, T. I, p. 206).
As a consequence of the notorious ravings of absolutist monarchs, during the reign of Edward III it was decided to “codify” the crime of treason in order to prevent what the 18th century English professor, William Blackstone, called “constructive treason”. , that is, open interpretations of the criminal type that lead to acts of repression against the political enemies of the current power. It was thus that in the year 1351, inspired by the "Lex Iulia de maiestate" sanctioned by the Emperor Augustus in the year 8 BC, the English Parliament issued the so-called "treason law" whose text -with the natural modifications that have occurred since that time – continues to be in force today (the current text of the Act can be found on the official website of the English Parliament: (https://www.legislation.gov.uk/aep/Edw3Stat5/25/2? timeline=false at 09/29/21).By this norm, the crime of treason was classified
circumscribing it to seven specific and exhaustive cases: a) imagine or project the death of the King, or his eldest son and heir; b) the rape of the King's companion, his eldest unmarried daughter, or the wife of his eldest son and heir; c) make war against the King in their territories; d) adhere to the enemies of the King or his kingdom, giving them aid and relief in the kingdom or elsewhere; e) falsifying the great seal or the private seal of the King; f) falsifying real currency or introducing counterfeit currency knowing that it is false and, finally, g) the murder of the Chancellor, the treasurer or the judges of the Crown committed while they are in the exercise of their duties.
Although the provision was expanded and even set aside on numerous occasions, especially between the period of Henry IV until the time of Mary Stuart, and especially during the time of Henry VIII, where "an astonishing amount of extravagant and new betrayals” that ranged from attempting against the person of the King to refusing to abjure the Pope (cf.: William Blackstone, “Commentaries on the laws of England”, Ed. Clarendom Press, Oxford, 1765, T. IV , Chapter VI, p. 86; id Jean Luis de Lolme, "Constitution of England or description of the English government compared with the democratic one and with the other monarchies of Europe", Spanish translation of the 4th ed. in English by Juan de la Dehesa, Ed. Oficina del Pedregal, Oviedo, 1812, p. 252), little by little English law ended up returning to the old law of Eduardo III and, at present, there is no other conduct in that country that qualifies as treason more than those provided for in the law of 1351.
Although the authors of the Constitution of the United States initially judged a bill of rights inadequate, they took great care to establish certain inalienable guarantees that constitute the core basis of a liberal criminal law. So it was that, along with habeas corpus, the prohibition of the "bill of attending" and the
the right to be tried by juries, the Philadelphia Constitution of 1787 decided to follow the English example and incorporated the crime of treason into the Constitution, establishing precise and objective limits. “Instructed by history and by the knowledge of humanity [explains Judge Joseph Story] the Convention has deemed it necessary to oppose an insurmountable barrier to arbitrary interpretations; the crime of high treason was limited to the following two cases: taking up arms against the United States; gather their enemies giving them help and help." (Cfr.: Joseph Story, "Commentary on the Federal Constitution of the United States", 4th ed., Spanish translation by Nicolás Antonio Calvo, Ed. Imp. La Universidad, Bs.As., 1888, T. II, 997, p 534). It was thus that in the first draft prepared by the "Detail Committee", the constitutional clause of treason was presented in terms as eloquent as these: "It being essential for the preservation of freedom to define precisely and exhaustively what will constitute the crime of treason , it is ordered, declared and provided: that if a man wages war against the United States within its territories, or adheres to its enemies within its same territories, giving them aid and relief inside or outside the country and whenever this can be proven by persons of the same condition, he shall be found guilty of treason” (cf.: Max Farrand (ed.), “The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787”, New Haven, Yale Ed. University Press, 1911, T. 2, p.338).
Despite the fact that Madison himself proposed allowing Congress a greater scope to define the crime (cf.: Intervention of the delegate for Virginia, James Madison, in the session of August 20, 1787, Idem,
T. 2 P. 345), the Convention decided not to run the risk of leaving its design to the Legislature and opted to limit it solely to acts of war against the United States or to the aid and relief provided to its enemies, this being the formula
finally incorporated on August 20, 1787 into clause 1 of the third section of article III of the Constitution, with the approval of eight of the eleven States that participated in the Convention (Idem, T. 2, p. 339).
It became clear, since then, that the crime of treason would no longer be left to the interpretation of venal judges or any vindictive faction that won a circumstantial majority within the Legislature and that Congress would have no power to expand it at his will (cfr.: Humberto Quiroga Lavié, "Constitution of the Argentine Nation", 5th ed., Ed. Zavalía, Bs.As., 2012, p. 724; Joaquín V. González, "Manual of the Argentine Constitution (1853-1860)", ed. Updated by Humberto Quiroga Lavié, Ed. La Ley, Bs.As., 2001, No. 651, p. 616; Perfecto Araya, "Commentary on the Constitution of the Argentine Nation", Ed The Faculty Bookstore, Bs.As., 1911, T. II, p. 286; Néstor Pedro Sagüés, "Constitutional Law", Ed. Astrea, Bs.As., 2017, T. 3, § 311, p. 631 José Ipohorski in Roberto Gargarella and Sebastián Guidi -Dirs.-, "Constitution of the Argentine Nation commented", Ed. La Ley, Bs.As., 2019, T. II,
p. 1051; Carlos Alberto Mayón, "Argentine constitutional law", Ed. Haber, La Plata, 2021, T. I, p. 525; Armando Rafael Aquino Britos, "Elements of theory and constitutional rights", 2nd ed., Ed. ConTexto, Resistencia, 2019, T. II, p. 437; Edgardo Alberto Donna, “Criminal Law. Special part”, Ed. Rubinzal-Culzoni, Sta.Fe, 2011, T. II-C, p. 374; Joseph Story, ob. cit., T. II, no. 995, p. 533; C. Herman Pritchett, “The American Constitution”, Ed. Tipográfica Editora Argentina, Bs.As., 1965, p. 679).
Thus, shortly after the sanction of the US Constitution, it was James Madison himself who, despite the reservations expressed in the Convention, took charge of defending the constitutional usefulness of the provision in the following terms: “as the artificial betrayals and again
As powerful instruments have been with which violent factions, those natural consequences of free government, have alternately unleashed their virulence on one another, the convention, with remarkable good judgment, has erected a barrier against this danger, inserting into the Constitution a definition of this crime, deciding the evidence necessary for a conviction and preventing Congress from punishing it, extending the consequences of the crime beyond the person of the offender (cf.: James Madison in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, John Jay, "El Federalista", translated into Spanish by Gustavo R. Velazco, Ed. Fondo de Cultura Económica, México, 1957, Chapter XLIII, pp. 183 and 184).
Although in our country it was approved without discussion in the session of April 30, 1853 (cfr.: Emilio, Ravignani, “Asambleas Constituyentes Argentinas”, Ed. Casa Jacobo Peuser, Bs.As., 1937, T. IV , p. 535), observing the project elaborated by the conventional by Santiago del Estero, José Benjamín Gorostiaga –who, in this matter, departed from the draft constitution of Juan Bautista Alberdi, who was silent on the subject– the conventional of 1853 shared the concern to reproduce in the Argentine Constitution the North American clause that, with not a few modifications of style, inspired the current wording contemplated in article 119 of the Fundamental Law.
Likewise, according to the Argentine Constitution, "treason against the Nation will consist solely of taking up arms against it, or joining its enemies by providing aid and relief."
The historical background surveyed, in accordance with its primitive meaning, makes it evident that the crime thus conceived has only a strictly limited application in the case of constitutions founded on a government of powers
limited laws whose observance is entrusted to magistrates in all cases subject to the rule of law.
Thus, when the Constitution uses the word “solely” to define the crime of treason, “it has expressed all the protest against the ancient errors and its vote so that Argentine justice does not become an aid to oppression , attempting against the life of citizens, due to extensive or criminal interpretations of the words of this clause, and of the law that explains it, which are technical and of a limited and strict sense” (cf.: Joaquín V. González, ob . cit., no. 651, p. 616), in order to exclude from the criminal jurisprudence of the new Republics any violent and hateful interpretation (cf.: Agustín de Vedia, “Constitución Argentina”, Ed. Coni Hnos., Bs .As., 1906, p.555).
This same interpretation is the one that has been observed early by Justice Marshall of the Supreme Court of the United States when stating: “[t]o prevent the possibility of those calamities that result from the extension of treason to crimes of lesser importance, that great fundamental law which defines and limits the various departments of our government has given a rule on the subject both to the Legislature and the courts of the United States, which cannot be allowed to pass." It also added that "the drafters of our Constitution (...) not only defined and limited the crime, but with zealous circumspection they tried to limit it", for which reason "it is safer and more in accordance with the principles of our Constitution, than the crime of treason is not extended by interpretation to doubtful cases; and that those conducts that do not clearly fit within the constitutional definition must receive the punishment that the Legislature in its wisdom may order.” (Supreme Court of the United States, in re, “Ex parte Bollman and Ex parte Swartwout”, 8 U.S. 75 –1807–, pp. 125, 126 and 127, available at:
(https://tile.loc.gov/storageservices/service/ll/usrep
/usrep008/usrep008075/usrep008075.pdf to 09/29/21).
Following the constitutional text, provides article 214 of the Code. Argentine criminal that "[s]ill be punished with imprisonment or imprisonment of ten to twenty-five years or imprisonment or life imprisonment, and in either case, absolute perpetual disqualification, provided that the act is not included in another provision of this code, any Argentine or any person who owes allegiance to the Nation by reason of his employment or public function, who takes up arms against it, joins its enemies or gives them any help or relief" (the italics does not correspond to the original).
For its part, the first paragraph of the following article classifies as an aggravated figure of the previously described conduct anyone who "performs an act aimed at totally or partially submitting the Nation to foreign domination or undermining its independence or integrity."
Ignoring the valid observations formulated by a certain part of the criminal doctrine regarding the extension of the legal norm in relation to the wording stipulated by the Constitution, which is not the point of discussing here, the figure of treason is circumscribed only to two commission modalities:
a) take up arms against the Nation; b) unite with their “enemies” by giving them any help or relief.
Precisely, the latter is the one that has been chosen by the private prosecution to confront the defendants in the case at hand for having provided, with the Memorandum of Understanding, an act of aid or relief to a foreign enemy, undermining the independence or integrity of the country.
In addition to the impossibility of carrying out a crime due to the already explained lack of entry into force of the treaty, the imputation finds, however, an obstacle that is impossible to solve.
Although the crime of treason, in its modality of helping the enemy, has offered different interpretations regarding what should be understood by "help or relief", as well as the time frame for its commission, there is no dispute interpretation regarding what should be understood by "enemy" as the recipient of the aid, stipulated by the Constitution and the Penal Code.
Since the early days of the British treason law of 1351, the term “enemy” cannot be explained in English and American law other than aid knowingly given “to a foreign power with which the country is in an open state of war” (cf.: William Blackstone, op. cit.,
T. IV, chap. VI, p. 82 and 83; in a similar sense, cf.: Edward Coke, “The Third Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England”, Ed. W. Lee and Pakeman, London, 1644, p. 11) or to the subjects of a foreign power in a State of open hostility with the country (cf.: Circuit Court of California, “U.S. v. Greathouse”, 10/17/1863, 2 Abb. C. C. 301, available at (https ://law.resource.org/pub/us/case/reporter/F.Cas/0026.f.cas/0026.f.cas.0018.2.pdf at 09/29/21), id Carlos Fontán Balestra and Guillermo A. C. Ledesma, "Criminal Law Treaty", op. cit., T. IV, page 12, Edward S. Corwin, "The North American Constitution and its current meaning", Spanish translation by Rafael Demaría, Ed. Kraft , Buenos Aires, 1942, p.152).
Thus, the North American doctrine has been able to say that it adheres to the "enemies" of the country, providing aid and relief, anyone who "provides them with ammunition or weapons, treacherously surrenders a fortress, or performs similar acts" (Cfr.: Thomas M. Cooley, "General Principles of Constitutional Law in the United States of America", 2nd ed. translated into Spanish by Julio Carrié, Ed. Peuser, Bs.As., 1898, p. 279) .
From another angle, in the case of treason, a crime whose protected legal right is the external security of the Nation, the application of this figure keeps an inseparable resolution with a state of war that, otherwise present or imminent, formal or informal, must exist between our country and another State.
The historical background indicated, the unanimous doctrinal interpretation, but fundamentally the need to avoid repeating the manipulations of the past, forces us to abandon the idea of any extensive interpretation of the crime of treason and limit its sphere of action solely to the way in which that has been conceived.
In these cases, to paraphrase Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, it is not prudent to make the law “the skin of a living thought that can vary in color and content according to the circumstances and the time in which it is used.” (cfr.: Supreme Court of the United States, in re “Towne v. Eisner”, 245 U.S. 418 –1918–, p. 425, available at: (https://caselaw.findlaw.com/us–supreme– court /245/418.html to 09/29/21). Rather, we chose to remember that "when an interpretation has been accepted as correct and especially when it has been given contemporaneously with the adoption of the Constitution and by those who had the opportunity to In order to understand the intention of the instrument, there are powerful presumptions in favor of such an interpretation (CSJN, doctrine of the “Orellana” case, Rulings: 128:175 – 1918–, Consid. 10), which, as Judge Antonio Bermejo explained, “does not there is a circumstance that authorizes a deviation [from the terms of the Constitution] because its meaning is not altered. What it meant when it was adopted means now and will continue to mean until it is reformed with the solemnities prescribed by article 30" (CSJN, dissent Judge Antonio Bermejo in "Ercolano", Decisions: 132:161 –1922– Consid. 13; the italics does not correspond to the original)
and, finally, that "judges by way of interpreting the laws [cannot] invade the legislative power" and that "a constitution does not mean one thing at one time and another at a subsequent time" (CSJN, doctrine of the “Valdez” cases, Judgments: 127:
429 –1918–, p. 438 and "Orellana", op. cit., Consider. eleven).
Neither the attack itself against the AMIA headquarters can be considered, by itself, as an act of war, nor the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, whatever the judgment it deserves, be judged as an act of aid to a “ enemy” with whom the Argentine Republic was never at war.
This is the interpretation that, with good sense, has been observed in the proceedings by Chamber II of the Federal Chamber and is the jurisprudence that has always been followed in this matter, both by that court (cfr.: CNFedCrimCor., Chamber II, cause 59 /86, labeled "Judgment ordered by decree 2971/83, War conflict in the South Atlantic", of 11/4/88), as by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (doctrine of the "Egusquiza" cases, Rulings: 4:75 –1867– and “Azula”, Rulings: 9:108 –1870–) and his North American counterpart who, in the only two cases under the modality under study that he had before his podiums in his more than two hundred and thirty years of history only once did he confirm a conviction (cf.: Supreme Court of the United States in re “Haupt v. United States” 330 U.S. 631 –1947–, available at:
(https://tile.loc.gov/storage//services/service/l l/usrep/usrep330/usrep330631/usrep330631.pdf as of 09/29/21) and, in all cases, the facts investigated always took place during wartime (id. “Cramer v. United States” 325 U.S. 1
-1945-, available at: (https://tile.loc.gov/storageservices/service/ll/
usrep/usrep325/usrep325001/usrep325001.pdf as of 09/29/21) and “Haupt v. United States”, op. cit.)
The state of war has always been an essential assumption for the operation of the criminal figure of treason. This is a requirement claimed as essential by Argentine penal doctrine (cf.: Ricardo C. Núñez, “Derecho Penal Argentino”, Ed. Lerner, Cba., 1971, T. VI, p. 209; Sebastián Soler, "Argentine Criminal Law", op. cit., T. 5, p. 18; Carlos Fontán Balestra and Guillermo A. C. Ledesma, "Criminal Law Treaty", op. cit., T. IV, p. 12; Omar Breglia Arias and Omar R. Gauna, op. cit., T. 2, p. 558; Julio Maier, "It is difficult to return from ridicule II", of February 14, 2017, published in the newspaper "Página 12", available at (https://www.pagina12.com.ar/20099–del– ridiculo–es–dificil–volver–ii al 09/29/21), Andrés J. D´'Alessio (Dir.) and Mauro Divito (coord .), "Penal Code of the Nation. Commented and annotated", 2nd ed., Buenos Aires, La Ley, 2013, T. II, p. 1085; Carlos Creus, "Penal Code. Special Part", 6th ed ., Ed Astrea, Bs.As., 1999, T. II, p.138, Joaquín Da Rocha, in Sabsay, Daniel (dir.) and Manili, Pablo (coord.), "Constitution of the Argentine Nation", Ed. Hammurabi, Bs.As., 2010, T. 4, p. 756), as well as by the Argentine and North American constitutional law that had to rule on the matter (cfr.: Joaquín V. González, “Manual de la Constitución Argentina (1853-1860)”, op. cit., no. 651, P. 616; Perfecto Araya, op. cit., T. II, p. 286; Miguel Ángel Ekmekdjián, "Treatise on Constitutional Law", 3rd ed., updated by Pablo Manili, Ed. Abeledo-Perrot, Bs.As. , 2016, T. V, p. 538; María Angélica Gelli, "Constitution of the Argentine Nation", 5th ed., 1st reprint., Ed. La Ley, Bs.As., 2018, T. II, p. 688, Armando Rafael Aquino Britos, op. cit., T. II, p. 437, George W. Paschal, "The Constitution of the United States, explained and annotated", Spanish translation by Clodomiro Quiroga, Ed. Félix Lajouane , Bs.as., 1888, No. 215, p. 267; Joel Tiffany, "Government and Constitutional Law", Spanish translation by Clodomiro Quiroga,
Ed. La Union Press, Bs.As., 1874, § 462, p. 315; Thomas M. Cooley, ob. cit., p. 279; Edward S. Corwin, ob. cit., p. 152; C. Herman Pritchett, op. cit., p. 680).
Based on the foregoing, since the Memorandum of Understanding between Argentina and Iran did not enter into force and since a state of war never existed between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran, it is possible to deduce that neither of the behaviors listed here are likely to fit into the figures of treason.
II. Although the points previously analyzed are sufficient to provide the solution to the case under study, I cannot fail to appreciate other evidence of the cause that, together with the latest Interpol report, added, undoubtedly prove the purpose of the Argentine government with the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran.
Thus, after a detailed observation of each of the criminal hypotheses, we note that the "hidden and spurious" purpose behind each of the activities attributed by the prosecution as constituting the so-called "criminal plan" rests on purely circumstantial evidence. Clearly, this presents a far-reaching problem in the administration of criminal justice.
The indiscriminate application of circumstantial evidence can pose serious legal problems in criminal law. Unlike the probative effectiveness that it can achieve in other branches, in criminal law, and especially in the trial stage, although not with an apodictic certainty that turns the crime into an invincible barrier for evidence, it is the duty of the prosecution prove the elements of the offense beyond a reasonable doubt. When the evidence is circumstantial, it must be such that it excludes all reasonable hypotheses other than guilt. In
such conditions, the weighting of this evidence requires great care and moderation, always keeping in mind the difficulties that arise when circumstantial evidence of guilt is the main weapon of a method that, in itself, is only a approximation (cfr.: Supreme Court of the United States, in re, “Holland v. United States”, 348 U.S. 121 –1954–, pp. 130, 139 and 141, available at:
(https://tile.loc.gov/storageservices/service/ll/u srep/usrep348/usrep348121/usrep348121.pdf as of 09/29/21). This brings us to the point of considering
in detail the dangers that must be consciously taken into account to ensure a proper assessment of the specific facts in the cases under consideration.
My considered opinion is that, with the evidence presented in the case, the suspicions introduced by the prosecution are not enough to perforate the state/situation of innocence based on a criminal scheme accredited beyond all reasonable doubt.
The Prosecutor's Office identified the change in the diplomatic policy of the Argentine government towards the AMIA case as of 2010 among the main and “uniform” signs that revealed the criminal plan, but did not present any direct evidence that conclusively connects the turn rehearsed with a cover-up plan over a foreign policy decision by a sovereign government.
However, there is direct evidence that the Argentine government had been exploring, since at least 2003, alternative solution mechanisms for the AMIA case aimed at unlocking the investigation.
In this sense, the statement made in the record by the former chief of staff of the Foreign Ministry between 2003 and 2004, Mr. Eduardo Félix Valdez (pages 5597/5606) deserves to be convicting. There he reports that, at the suggestion of the then Foreign Minister Rafael Bielsa, and with the knowledge and endorsement of the then
The President of the Nation, Néstor Kirchner, "in 2004 he worked on a project called the [Lockerbie] solution, in which Morocco was found as a neutral third country that mediated in the solutions", according to how to proceed to carry out the trial in a third country, to offer the guarantees demanded by Iranian citizens. This same proposal is the one expressed by the President of the Nation Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in one of her speeches before the General Assembly of the United Nations. Despite the fact that, as referred to in the following statement, the proposal did not prosper because the relatives of the victims of the AMIA attack requested that no progress be made in that line. The truth is that the Argentine State had been exploring alternative solutions that –wrong or not, an issue that is not the responsibility of the Judiciary to evaluate– would make it possible to unblock a judicial investigation that, according to the criteria of the authorities at the time, had been frozen due to the refusal to of the Islamic Republic of Iran to extradite those charged by the Argentine courts as perpetrators of the attack on the AMIA headquarters.
It is also not possible to ignore that in 2005, the Argentine State recognized before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, its international responsibility for the lack of clarification of the attack on the AMIA headquarters, which occurred on July 18, 1994 (Decree No. 812/2005 approving the liability admission agreement). On that occasion, the national State assumed the commitment to investigate the event and do everything in its power to reactivate the cause. And it is within the framework of this commitment that the Argentine Republic had the obligation to explore effective diplomatic alternatives in order to comply with the right to the truth of the victims of the AMIA attack and their families.
It is important to understand – without judging – the political position of the Argentine government at the time, the testimony given in the record by the then Head of the Senators Bloc of the ruling party, Miguel Ángel Pichetto (pages 7910/7916), who had his position the defense of the Memorandum in the Senate of the Nation. The Memorandum of Understanding, in the opinion of the Argentine authorities at the time, implied "a change of position with the objective of finding new paths that would allow the progress of the legal case in order to arrive at the truth." The legislator explained that "[s]ince 2003 Argentina had been maintaining a very firm line of coherence and gestures, confronting the Islamic Republic of Iran, because it was a State that was not willing to provide any type of collaboration that would allow the progress of the judicial investigation.” It goes on to say that "[s]ince 2003 until 2010, when Néstor Kirchner died, the Argentine government had a speech at the UN that was repeated year after year about the AMIA attack, stating that the Iranian state was not collaborating and that there was some complicity on the part of the of the latter with the perpetrators of the attack. After that year, 2010, the Argentine Government sought an alternative so that the Argentine Justice could make progress in the case. Precisely, the search for this alternative led to the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding by the authorities of both countries, which, in turn, implied the abandonment of that confrontational position because a loophole was opened to initiate a space for dialogue. The Government made progress in this sense with the objective of finding tools that would allow the judicial authorities of our country to achieve concrete progress in the judicial case, to unblock the situation of virtual paralysis that it had. For this reason, the Block that I chair considered it correct to try to advance in that alternative.” (cfr.: testimony of Miguel Ángel Pichetto, rta.
12, fs. 7913 round/7914). He added that the Memorandum was seen by the Government -and by himself- as an ideal instrument to unlock the case "since the investigative statement is an essential act to be able to advance in the investigation within the legal framework of the criminal procedure of the Nation", and explains that it was for this reason that "we considered that the Memorandum was a tool that could allow progress in the judicial investigation, since (...) it could open an alternative path in the search for truth and Justice" ( Idem, route 13, page 7914). So, wrong or not, this was the position that the Argentine government had on the AMIA case and the reason that helps explain the signing of the Memorandum with Iran.
In short, the elements provided in the case file lead me to share the hypothesis of a turn experienced by the Argentine government in its foreign policy in the AMIA case. Well, while between 2003 and 2010, the policy was one of absolute intransigence until the Islamic Republic of Iran submitted its nationals to the Argentine justice that required them in the investigation of the case, as of 2010 a change in strategy seems to be verified. in it, deciding to explore alternative mechanisms. But precisely because of the latter, there is nothing tangible in the cause capable of providing an explanation that goes beyond the first and most important hypothesis that can explain this situation: a foreign policy decision tending to advance the investigation that, in the opinion of the authorities Argentines, was detained.
A second indicative hypothesis that supports the accusation resides in the secrecy with which the negotiations of the Memorandum of Understanding were carried out. This explains that, contrary to what was reported by the Argentine government, diplomatic negotiations between the two countries would have begun long before 2012, the first record being a first meeting held secretly in the Syrian city of Aleppo, between the Foreign Minister Argentine Héctor Timerman and his Iranian counterpart, beginning the negotiations. The aforementioned meeting was followed by other work meetings that were deliberately kept in the most absolute secrecy as a means to avoid leaving traces of the crime. This also explains that there was no record in the Foreign Ministry of the work meetings that gave rise to the Memorandum, nor of the implementation of the respective procedure through unusual channels and, in turn, the denial to Prosecutor Nisman of any information requested by him regarding the progress of the diplomatic negotiations. Although the Public Prosecutor's Office recognizes that the secrecy of diplomatic actions does not constitute by itself an indication of illegality, it nevertheless understands that it is so in the context of the proceedings because such conduct constitutes revealing evidence of the turn taken by the Argentine government in the cause in which, until 2010, everything was done publicly and with communication to the relatives. In this way, it means that:
“this change in attitude can be explained because the defendants herein were negotiating a cover-up with the Iranian authorities, and the mere fact of providing information to judicial officers, however minimal, involved running too high a risk and the possibility certain that the devised plan is frustrated and in the middle of the executive stage (...) given that it was necessary to avoid the risk that they could notice that the negotiations sought to explore the appropriate means to provide the
help to guarantee the impunity of the Iranian fugitives in the framework of the AMIA case” (cfr.: opinion of the first investigating Prosecutor Gerardo Pollicita on fs. 7003/7026 endorsed by Prosecutor Eduardo Taiano in the request for elevation at trial, pages 9510 row and 9512).
It is not uncommon in international law for many of the diplomatic negotiations of international instruments to take place in secret. And it is true that there was a secrecy during the entire negotiation of the Memorandum. Thus, it was expressed that "[t]he case of a diplomatic negotiation process between States (...) the parties have agreed to maintain the confidentiality of its content while it lasts" (cfr.: communication of November 5, 2012 obrante fs 132,805 of the AMIA case and note No. 2194 dated November 8, 2012 among the documentation provided by UFI AMIA dated May 16, 2017 on page 5262). However, attributing to a cover-up maneuver a habitual diplomatic practice requires something more than a circumstantial argument directed towards a single place. It is necessary to contrast the constructed hypothesis with the rest of the options capable of explaining with the same degree of plausibility a legal and habitual conduct in the field of international relations since, it seems idle to remember, it is the State that must provide evidence of guilt. and not the defendant of his innocence. In this way, it was essential to face the question of whether the decision to secretly conduct diplomatic negotiations could not have been due to the need not to frustrate the agreement so that it would come to fruition instead of favoring the consummation of the crime because, as As the US courts explain, when the accusation is based entirely on circumstantial evidence, the evidence must not only be compatible with guilt, but also contrary to any reasonable hypothesis of innocence (Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit of
the United States, in re “Karn v. United States”, 158 F.2d 568 –1946–, p. 570, available at https://law.justia.com; id Paddock v. United States”, 79 F.2d 872 –1935–, p. 876 and “Ferris v.
United States”, 40 F.2d 837 –1930–, p. 840).
In the case of a rather permanent practice, at least habitual in international relations, it is not possible to attribute convicting efficacy as an indication of illegality to a secret diplomatic negotiation without any direct evidence that diverts what is a legal practice towards a spurious purpose .
The evidentiary ineffectiveness of the indicated indications is contrasted with revealing conduct on the part of the Argentine authorities that give an account, no longer in an indicative way, but in an eloquent manner and through concrete acts tending to prove the good faith on the part of the Argentine government, which led the diplomatic process that led to the signing of the treaty.
We have already seen how, a few days after the Treaty was signed, on February 15, 2013, Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman hurried to address a communication to the General Secretariat of Interpol to make clear the will of the Argentine government, on the point to the fact that the signing of the treaty would in no way affect the status of the red notices.
The conduct described is endorsed by the diplomatic position adopted regarding the consultation procedure that took place on April 22, 2014 with the embassy of the Republic of South Korea in the Argentine Republic, on which it is worth pausing.
The Counselor of the Embassy of the Republic of South Korea in the Argentine Republic, Mr. Jeon Jo Yong, informed the Special Representative for Terrorism Affairs of the Argentine Foreign Ministry, Minister Fernando Lerena, of the intention to invite Korea to one of the Iranian defendants on whom a red notice weighed. Three days later, the then Vice Foreign Minister Eduardo Zuain –after notifying him of this by telephone– sent an official letter to the Ambassador of South Korea in Argentina responding verbatim that “if [the] invitation and visit of the official mentioned by [the] Counselor Jeon and/or any other person who is in the same situation, our country will request the immediate application of the Extradition Treaty signed between the [R]epublic of [A]rgentina and the [R] epublic of [K]orea and entered into force on November 9, 2000.” (cfr.: Note from the Argentine Secretary of Foreign Relations, Eduardo Zuain, to the Ambassador of South Korea in the Argentine Republic of April 25, 2014, exhibited by Zuain in "Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and others s/ incident of nullity ”, 3rd hearing on August 11, 2021, available at:
(https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=ZtKjXdiAkWo&t=1292s al 09/29/21), see specifically: 1:18:47, document that also works in the instruction). The transcribed diplomatic response, according to Zuain, would have been consulted a posteriori with the then Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman who qualified it as "correct." Moreover, Zuain also explained that Timerman commented on the case to the then President of the Nation Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and, ten minutes later, he contacted Zuain again to inform him that "the President is already aware of Korea's request and confirm what you said" to the ambassador, also asking him to be "especially emphatic because there should be no doubt that we are going to
pursue Iranian defendants who are on red notices” (Idem, see especially 1:26:18).
As if the event described was not revealing enough, it is clear that the inquiry was brought to the attention of the judge in the AMIA case by decision of the Argentine diplomatic authorities. In this sense, on May 9, 2014, the Director of International Legal Assistance of the Argentine Foreign Ministry, Amb. Horacio Basabe informed Dr. Rodolfo Canicoba Corral about the query formulated by the Korean diplomatic authorities and the Argentine response (cf.: note 5572/14 exhibited at the hearing, Idem, see especially: 1:23:53).
The actions described, on which there is no room for interpretation, unlike the circumstantial evidence built by the prosecution, constitute conduct diametrically opposed to any hypothesis of a cover-up; rather, they reveal a firm decision to keep the notifications alive at the same time that it implies collaborating with the judge in the case by keeping him informed of the situation.
In contrast to the evidence collected, none of the accusers has been able to provide any evidence that reliably demonstrates an illegal purpose in the negotiations, nor refutes the declared purpose of the Argentine government with the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding: to facilitate through a judicial cooperation agreement between States, the investigation of the Iranian defendants that would allow progress in the AMIA case.
Under the conditions described, the cover-up hypothesis finds a structural flaw. If the cover-up desire of the Argentine government is true and that the Memorandum constituted the ideal instrument to stop the capture notifications: How is it explained that, immediately after signing it, Héctor Timerman communicated to
Interpol the intention of the Argentine government to keep the arrest notices in effect?
How do you explain that, more than a year after the signing of the treaty, the Argentine diplomatic authorities prevented the trip of one of the Iranian defendants to South Korea, informing their authorities that if he set foot on Korean soil, the person required would be formally extradited? ? Why, when the Argentine government left open the way to cancel the red notices with the internal approval of the treaty, did the Iranian government show no desire to put it into effect, which only depended on its will?
Why, despite the signing of the agreement and its communication to Interpol, did the red notices never expire? None of these questions received an adequate response in the case file. In the best of cases, explanations based solely on conjectural arguments were tested which, due to their indefinite nature and judged from a healthy rational criticism, do not reach the probative effectiveness required to put in crisis the principle of innocence that article 18 of the Constitution Nacional grants all defendants.
III. It is also necessary to note certain observations associated with the processing of the instruction that I deem appropriate to refer to.
By decision of the Federal Court of Appeals, upon confirming the prosecutions of the defendants in the proceedings, the investigating judge was ordered to extend the investigation to other persons mentioned in the case in order to find "new clues" likely to provide other hypothesis in relation to the facts of the case against (persons) accused up to that moment (cf. Chap. IX.
(5) and X.V of the ruling). As a consequence of this, on December 21, 2017, the Appeal ordered "the procedural judge to go through the necessary phases to direct the situations of those named [los
defendants in the proceedings] to the critical stage prior to the oral and public trial and that –through the means of the case– direct what remains to be investigated in the remainder of the case –that will remain under his direction – in the senses propitiated in this piece” (Idem, operative point V of the decision). Complying with the mandate of the Appeal, on March 5, 2018, Dr. Bonadío brought the case to trial in relation to the 12 defendants on file. However, it explained in chapter VI of the order for elevation that "since the investigation is pending to be concluded́n for the purpose of determining the criminal responsibilities of
other defendants, as well as the guidelines
fixed by the Superior, (I will have) to order the
extraction of testimonies from the parties of interest for these actions in order to continue the investigation process.”
As a consequence of said decision, the case suffered a fracture whose consequences we are now seeing in the intermediate stage and which, if
observed
rigorously the provisions
procedural
current
would have allowed to apply to
the here
defendants
the conclusions that were derived from
the new ones
evidence produced in what could be called the “residual investigation” that continued in charge of the investigating judge after the elevation of a part of the investigation to trial.
According to the express terms of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation, the elevation to trial can only take place when the judge considers “complete” the investigation in relation to the accused (art. 346 CPPN). However, although it is true that the completeness of the investigation can be evaluated in relation to each accused, the rule is that if the investigation is not concluded, and especially when the facts investigated are part of a criminal plan with a functional division of tasks with cross-testing, it is not prudent to fragment the investigation since, as happened in
cars, the new evidence that may be provided in relation to the persons investigated may also impact their consorts in the cause.
The partial elevation gives rise to significant difficulties for the trial court that hinder the criminal procedure in the debate stage, forcing on many occasions, to open a supplementary instruction in order to supplant the evidence that should have been produced in the investigation, or to postpone the start of the debate in order to be able to start the trial with all the accused at the same time, in order to have the opportunity to contrast the versions of all the parties and not some; to end up knowing the other years later due to a late elevation, and in extreme cases, until reaching the separation of trials when various circumstances make it imperative to carry out the debate in the conditions in which the file is found.
Article 347, second part, of the Criminal Procedure Code stipulates that “the request for submission to trial must contain, under penalty of nullity, the personal data of the accused; a clear, precise and circumstantial relationship of the facts, their legal classification and a concise statement of the reasons on which it is based. In this way, the accusation must establish the fact and, with it, the object of the process, thus complying with the principle of specificity (cf.: Marcelo A. Sancinetti, “The nullity of the accusation due to indeterminacy of the fact and the concept of instigation ", Ed. Ad-Hoc, Bs.As., 2001, p. 75).
The individualization of the fact implies "giving it an entity such that only a historical process, a cut of the factual event and not any other, will be judged as a fact attributable to the accused" (Idem, p. 76).
Otherwise, when the instruction is fragmented, there is a certain risk of damaging the
object of the investigation to the extreme of leading to its invalidity if the object of the process is degraded due to the need to verify other evidence found in the residual statement.
Neither more nor less than this was what took place in the present case. Due to an equivocal investigative decision, several defendants were brought to trial when there was still evidence to be produced that, under the pretext of applying to the new defendants in the residual investigation, had expansive effects in relation to the rest. This is what is verified with the report produced by Interpol on June 22, 2020, accompanied by the residual investigation and later incorporated into these proceedings, which was judged as new and decisive evidence to assess the subsistence of the criminal action but which, nevertheless, ended up taking place in the investigation two years after most of the defendants were brought to trial. Today we can see how little adjusted to the law was the decision of the investigating magistrate to consider the investigation "complete" in relation to the defendants.
It is not possible to ignore, as Judge Félix Frankfurter explained, that the orderly conduct of criminal trials depends on the knowledge, good sense, equity and courage of the federal judge of first instance. For this reason, it cannot be limited to mechanical rules and necessarily requires limited management authority entrusted to the magistrate, including a well-established range of judicial discretion, subject to appropriate appellate review (United States Supreme Court, in re “Nardone v. United States”, 308 U.S. 338 –1939–, p.342, available at (https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep308/usrep308338/usrep30 8338. pdf at 09/29/21). However, we believe that such discretion cannot endorse resorting to the unfolding of criminal investigations that end up being corrosive to the main process
prolonging the submission to trial of the accused that can well be overcome from an orderly instruction that, except for absolutely exceptional criteria, concludes at the same time for all those investigated. The unfolding of the investigation is a practice that exceeds the margin of discretion in the conduct of a criminal investigation and must be limited to cases that do not admit another solution. Otherwise, they may end up vitiating the accusation.
In the conditions described, it is not idle to point out this flaw in the processing of this case that, if it had been conducted regularly, could have reached the same decision that we adopt here without the need to bring the corresponding actions to trial when it is clear that it was an incomplete instruction.
The considerations and arguments presented throughout this document necessarily lead to a final reflection: Can we conceive that an international treaty signed by a constitutional President in office and approved by a regularly meeting Legislative Branch could constitute a criminal instrument?
It was held during the investigation that the participation of representatives of another State power found a clear limit which is to contribute to the better fulfillment of jurisdictional functions. But that this did not authorize entering into the knowledge of a cause of the exclusive spring of the Judiciary or establishing jointly with the State that denied all cooperation - the Islamic Republic of Iran - another way of ascertaining the truth or determining responsibilities criminal than the one established in the pending criminal file, which is the exclusive and exclusive spring of the Nation's Judicial Power.
In this way, it was expressed that the construction of the imputation was not based on issues of opportunity, merit and convenience as the decision to sign and approve an international treaty implies, but rather on determining whether there was an excess in the exercise of authority that, violating an express legal prohibition, resulted in a crime. But this interpretation carries with it an irreconcilable contradiction with elementary principles of government recognized in the Constitution.
It is not idle to observe that criminal law represents the last line of defense against the infringement of fundamental legal values, so it is necessary to limit the action of secondary criminalization of conducts and facts that, by their nature, are left out from the field of criminal law and whose evaluation corresponds only to the political powers and the people. In this sense, the undersigned cannot escape the important diplomatic consequences that the over-judicialization of this type of process can bring to the diplomatic field if diplomatic officials were exposed to being subjected to criminal proceedings every time they negotiate the drafting of a document. treaty.
For this reason, and without prejudice to the powers that judges have to review the constitutionality of laws, it is necessary to make it clear from the Judiciary that, as head of foreign relations, the Executive Branch -whatever its political color– has the right to design its foreign policy and –with the exception of a normative constitutional conflict– it is not a judiciable matter nor is it possible for diplomacy to be accountable to the Judiciary for the design and execution of the foreign policy decided for the country. Otherwise, there is a risk that any normative provision contrary to the Constitution will automatically lead to the commission of a crime, thus being assimilated to an objective criminal responsibility, which, it is already known,
It is proscribed from every point of view by article 18 of the National Constitution.
Faced with the risk of an invasion in the exercise of political powers, the North American courts took care to express from their very foundation that there are issues of a political nature that must necessarily be deducted from the control of judges. Thus, John Marshall, when jurisprudentially crystallizing what is perhaps the most significant contribution of the last two centuries to constitutional justice, ruled in the legendary case "Marbury v. Madison” that “[b]y the Constitution of the United States the President is vested with certain important political powers, in the exercise of which he uses at his own discretion, and is responsible only to his country in its political character , and before his own conscience (...) In such cases, the acts of those are acts of himself; and whatever opinion may be offered as to the manner in which executive discretion may be used, there is not yet, nor can there be, a power to control it." (United States Supreme Court, in re “Marbury v. Madison”, 5 U.S. 137 –1803–, pp. 165 and 166, available at: (https://tile.loc.gov/storageservices/service/ll/ usrep
/usrep005/usrep005137/usrep005137.pdf to 09/29/21). Thus, he concluded, that the Judiciary “is competent only to decide on the rights of individuals, but not to inquire how the Executive or its officials fulfill their duties over those who have discretionary power. Issues of a political nature, or that are submitted to the executive by the Constitution and the laws, can never be brought before this Court” (Idem, p. 170).
Confirming the teaching of Judge Marshall, the North American courts explained that "the power to make the law is all that the Courts can judge" but that, therefore, "they do not have the right to judge its effectiveness" because "[ t]he legislative body
exercises its powers at its own discretion, and is solely responsible to the people, to whom it owes its existence” (United States Supreme Court, In re, Houston v. Moore, 16 U.S. 433 –1817–).
Perhaps more eloquently, it was expressed that “[t]he power of the courts to declare a law unconstitutional is subject to two guiding principles that should never be absent from the judicial conscience. One, is that the courts only control the competence to sanction the laws, not their wisdom. The other is that while the unconstitutional exercise of power by the executive and legislative departments is subject to judicial review, the only check on our own exercise of power is our sense of self-restraint. For the elimination of inconvenient laws, appeals should not be directed to the courts but to the vote and the democratic process of government.” (Supreme Court of the United States, in re “United States v. Butler”, 297 U.S. 1 –1936–, dissent of judges Harlan Stone, Louis Brandeis and Benjamin Cardozo, pp. 78 and 79, available at (https:/ /tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep297/usrep297001/usrep297001.pdf as of 09/29/21).
These elementary principles of government were ponderously taken into account by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation at all times. He noted this in “Cullen v. Llerena" that "it is an elementary rule of our public law, that each of the three powers that make up the government, applies and interprets the Constitution by itself, when it exercises the powers that it confers on them respectively" (CSJN, Rulings: 54 : 420 –1893–). He explained that "the power of judicial review finds its limit in the regular exercise of the privative functions of the political powers of the State", that "the jurisdictional function does not reach the mode of the exercise of such attributions, insofar as it would otherwise be done
manifests the invasion of the scope of the faculties of the other authorities of the Nation”, that “it is evident that it is the responsibility of the political powers of the State to formulate these governmental lines and that [the Judiciary] only it is up to him to confront the adjustment of such norms with the National Constitution, without this control resulting in an assessment of said policies or – even less – adoption of substitute or complementary measures of the actions of the other branches of government (CSJN, Rulings: 326:417
–2003–, Considerations. 20 and 25).
It is that, as Judge Enrique Santiago Petracchi expressed, “judges are not called by the Fundamental Law to accompany or second the public policies chosen by the powers to which these are entrusted. Neither, by the way, are those summoned to oppose such decisions. The judicial function is very different. In short, it is about resolving the disputes brought to your attention in accordance with the current legal system and, where appropriate, verifying its validity, not because of its adequacy to any "program", but because of its conformity with the Constitution. and the laws that are enacted as a result" (dissent by Judge Petracchi in "Cocchia", Rulings: 316:3624 -1993-,
Consider. 16).
Every time the President of the Nation – regardless of his political affiliation – issues a decree of necessity and urgency, he may be subject to constitutionality control when he is outside the walls of the enabling constitutional provisions; Every time Congress enacts a law, approves an international treaty, decrees federal intervention in a province, declares a state of siege, it may be subject to judicial review.
automatically entails the commission of a crime for its author.
In this way, the Judiciary can and was able to judge that the so-called “full stop” and “due obedience” laws were unconstitutional; but he could never fall into the absurdity of explaining that President Raúl Alfonsín, like the legislators who approved the law, committed the crime of covering up the Armed Forces personnel who benefited from them.
In the face of such nonsense, the dividing lines of the functions of power drawn up by the Constitution would have been destroyed, while at the same time facing the possibility that any magistrate who exercises public function, mortgages his freedom and his patrimony at the mercy of of the judge on duty, each time he issues a normative provision that the Judiciary interprets contrary to the law.
Certainly the parties in a process must have, and do have, the breadth to prove their respective statements of affirmation or denial, since evidentiary freedom, obviously, must be as broad as possible as long as it enables the effective exercise of the right of defense. Thayer, in his Preliminary Treatise on Evidence (1896), argued that there should only be one rule of evidence: the one dictated by logic insofar as it prohibits what is irrelevant or what has no probative value (cf.: James Bradley Thayer, “A preliminary treatise on evidence at the common law: Part I: development of trial by jury", Ed. Little, Brown; First Edition, Boston, 1896). Thus, in order to achieve the possibility of a conviction, the judges have to achieve such a conviction that it exceeds the standard of beyond all reasonable doubt. Regarding the concept of reasonable doubt, the leading case of the US Supreme Court, Winship of 1970 (In re, Winship,
397 US 358, 1970, which established the federal rule of
a constitutional limit to moral acquittal when it was based on the rules of due process. Proof beyond a reasonable doubt is a longstanding doctrine in criminal law that is almost always required by the court. It is an important tool to reduce the risk of error and is significantly applied to both minors and adults undergoing criminal proceedings, precisely to protect the accused.
At this point it does not seem idle to recall the foundations of the principle of innocence that the Supreme Court early recognized in its constitutional status in 1871 (CSJN, “Tristán Brocate”, Rulings, 10:338).
Some authors correctly prefer to speak of a state of innocence and not of the presumption of innocence, due to the fact that innocence is a legal status of certainty that must be destroyed only by a conviction and not by a mere presumption of guilt that, at most, admits adopting coercive precautionary measures (cf.: Quiroga Lavié, Bendetti, Cenicacelaya, "Argentine Constitutional Law", T. I, 2nd. edc., Ed. Rubinzal Culzoni, Sta.Fe, 2009, p. 509).
International instruments with constitutional hierarchy opt for the concept of presumption of innocence, as follows: DADDHH (art. 26); UDHR (art. 11.1); ACHRDH (art. 8.2); PIDCyP (art. 14.2).
This guarantee covers four aspects: first, it assumes that whoever accuses must prove the responsibility of the accused and not their innocence (aspect of the onus probandi); second, that this proof must be sufficient and categorical, because in case of doubt prevails the presumed innocence (aspect of in dubio pro reo); third, it assumes that every person has the right to free themselves from the state of suspicion that the accusation matters -nothing more and nothing less- than having committed a crime, by means of a resolution that establishes a once and for all, your situation
compared to criminal law (dies certus aspect), since this guarantee is also affected if a person is subjected to prosecution for an unreasonable or indeterminate period; Lastly, it implies that -in principle- any person subjected to criminal proceedings should remain free until a final sentence is handed down based on the authority of res judicata (aspect of favor libertatis). This was resolved by the CSJN in the "Kacoliris" case (1993), when it stated that "all persons enjoy the state of innocence until a final sentence based on the authority of res judicata does not destroy it by declaring their criminal responsibility (considering 3rd. of the majority, CSJN, Rulings, 316:942).
In addition, concepts such as the so-called “bench penalty” or even worse, the worst of all penalties, the “uncertainty penalty”, are relevant here, the latter being the one intended for those who are involved in a process of which It is hardly known how it started, but it is unknown how it will end and if it will ever end (argument of the book The Process by Franz Kafka, Ed. Colihue, Bs.As., 2005; original Editorial Verlag Die Schmiede, Berlin, 1925 ).
In short, I consider that in this case, the accusing parties have not managed, already at this stage, to overcome the state of reasonable doubt that allows, as we already said, to destroy the state/situation of innocence of the people involved here, Therefore, such epistemological degree can only be averted by means of a resolution that puts an end to the process (arts. 336.3, 358, 361 CPPN).
exception of lack of action deduced by the defenses of Andrés Larroque, Juan Martín Mena and Oscar Isidro Parrilli and order, consequently, the dismissal in the terms provided by article 361 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation, as soon as it is appropriate to declare it with respect to: Cristina Elisabet Fernández, Eduardo Alberto Zuain, Carlos Alberto Zannini, Oscar Isidro Parrilli, Angelina María Esther Abbona, Juan Martín Mena, Andrés Larroque, Luis Ángel D'Elía, Fernando Esteche, Jorge Alejandro Khalil and Ramón Héctor Allan Bogado; in order to the facts for which they were required to stand trial; likewise lift all the precautionary measures ordered against them in the proceedings and MAKE SATISFIED that the present proceeding does not affect the good name and honor that the aforementioned persons would have enjoyed, a statement that –at the express request of their defenses, and even when the criminal action is extinguished against him– must include the deceased Héctor Marcos Timerman (arts. 336, inc. 3, 358 and 361 CPPN).
I vote so, and as pertinent, I adhere to the vote of my distinguished colleagues, and especially to the development made by Judge José Antonio Michilini, regarding the validity of the preliminary hearings that were objected by the complaints and which I consider fully valid and with normative sustainability, as well highlighted and developed by the aforementioned magistrate.
That, in a liminary way, I will have to indicate the outline of the presentation of this vote.
In that direction, it is worth deciding on the following topics:
I) Legality of the oral and public hearings held within the framework of this Annulment Event;
II) Arguments for nullity substantiated in this incident;
III) Application of the legal device 361 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation;
IV) Details of the accusation filed in the Requirement for Elevation to Trial formulated by the Federal Prosecutor of the previous instance, as well as, of the plaintiffs involved in the proceedings;
V) Considerations from the perspective of public international law;
VI) Statements of exception of lack of action due to atypicality - non-existence of crime;
VII) Legal qualification; and
VIII) Final considerations.
That being said, it is time to begin with the analysis of the topics in question.
In a preliminary way, I must point out that the proposals made by the complaints cannot prosper and, for this, I make my own -substantially- what exposed by my distinguished colleagues on this topic, without prejudice of the considerations that I will present below.
That, initially, it is worth remembering that the plaintiffs involved in these actions severely questioned the legality of the oral and public hearings, arranged within the framework of this Annulment Motion.
In essence, the private prosecutors, specifically Messrs. Luis Czyzewski and Mario Averbuch represented by Drs. Juan José Ávila and Tomás Farini Duggan and the complaint filed by the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA), whose President is Dr. Jorge Knoblovits, represented by Dr. Gabriel Leonardo Camiser, branded the
oral and public hearings ordered by this Court -by resolution dated 06/18/2021- as “The invention of a hearing not provided for in the CPPN to address issues excluded for political purposes. Clear attempt to frustrate the trial” (textual), the emphasis and underlining correspond to the original.
Well, preliminarily, for the sake of brevity, it is appropriate to refer to the grounds provided by this Court, in plenary session, on June 18, 2021, regarding the feasibility of holding the oral and public hearings, carried out carried out within the framework of this Nullity Event.
That said, it is worth remembering that the intervening Public Prosecutor's Office, headed by the Attorney General, Dr. Marcelo Colombo, accompanied the oral and public hearings questioned here by the intervening complaints.
It is necessary to mention that the private accusers did not participate in the oral and public hearings held on July 16, 4, 11,
August 18 and 25 of the current year. However, the lawsuit filed by Drs. Farini Duggan y Ávila participated in the hearing held on September 1 of this year and, in fact, ruled on the hearing granted by the Court.
In this way, the proposals of both complaints on this point will not be able to prosper, since Drs. Mariano Fragueiro Frías -defender of Mr. Carlos Alberto Zannini- and Dr. Carlos Beraldi, private attorney for Ms. Cristina E. Fernández de Kirchner-, regarding what was stated in their speeches.
In this line, the legal defense of the former Legal and Technical Secretary of the Presidency emphasized the legality, and, consequently, the validity of the oral and public hearings held in this incident. He placed special emphasis on
around the “adversarial system”, specifically the legal norms at stake, both in our National Constitution, as well as in the Federal Criminal Procedure Code; What is certain is that he provided a convincing example regarding the oral hearing provided for by Agreement No. 1/12 of the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation.
In the aforementioned Agreement -it is worth remembering- the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation, ordered the holding of oral hearings to deal with ordering issues of the plenary and matters
related to
the test, it in the framework
of
processes
complexes.
The
oral hearing scheduled in
the
referred
agreed is not legally regulated in the current Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation, however, no one with experience in professional practice can doubt the legality and, therefore, the validity and practicality regarding the performance of oral hearings of these characteristics.
And the same thing happens here: how can one question, in a Constitutional State of Law, the holding of oral and public hearings in the framework of an incident and in a process of great institutional importance like the present one?
Based on the consigned grounds, it is possible to mention that the proposals for nullity and lack of action formulated by the legal assistance must be considered within the framework of procedural economy and in order to cease the effects of uncertainty that weigh on the litigants within a reasonable time, following the doctrine of the "Mattei" ruling of our Highest Court.
In my opinion, an analysis within the framework established by the novel Federal Criminal Procedure Code is important here, insofar as it has designed a “multipurpose” hearing with the clear purpose of emphasizing this type of act, over the old models
desktop, away from immediacy and publicity.
For his part, the defense attorney for Ms. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner cited legal provision 341 of the National Criminal Procedure Code, to uphold the legality of the oral and public hearings held in the context of this incident. I agree with the fact that an interpretation must be made in accordance with the pro homine” principle, which requires prioritizing the legal interpretation that grants the most rights to human beings against State power4.
As a corollary, it should be noted that Judge López Iñiguez, in the framework of the hearing held on September 1 of this year, prior to the address of the complaint, made it known that the hearing conferred on the private prosecutor was framed , in the terms of the legal device 340 of the ordering of form. In this regard, the complaint remained silent.
By virtue of the assessments made so far, it is appropriate to REJECT the questions formulated by the intervening complainants, regarding the legality of the oral and public hearings, which were carried out within the framework of this Incident of Nullity.
In relation to the nullifying proposals outlined in this incident, I will have to adhere to the vote of my colleague Daniel Obligado, since I have to share -in substance- the reasons put forward by the distinguished magistrate.
Notwithstanding this, I will outline some small considerations.
That, preliminarily, it should be noted that the intervening defenses raised the annulment of the proceedings as of the resolution dated 12/29/2016 issued by Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, within the framework of the case no.
4C.S.J.N.; Ruling A. 2186. XLI. Appeal of Fact, “Acosta, Alejandro Esteban s/infraction art. 14, 1st paragraph of Law 23,737” –case No. 28/05-; Answer: 04/23/2008.
777/2015, at that time from the registry of the Federal Criminal and Correctional National Court no. the art. 166 and following of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation, due to the visits of Messrs. Chamber Judges, Drs. Gustavo Hornos and Mariano Borinsky to former President Mauricio Macri, on transcendental dates regarding the issuance of defining resolutions, within the framework of said file (reopening of the former and removal of the investigating magistrate and the judges of the Federal Court of Appeals of this city).
About the nullifying proposals made by the intervening legal assistance and the oppositions of the Public Prosecutor's Office and the private prosecutors -in this last case in writing- it is worth saying that the pre-opining colleagues made a detailed detail of all this.
That said, in a preliminary way, it is appropriate to address the institute of nullity.
Well, there is no disagreement in maintaining that annulment is a procedural sanction, by which an act of the process is declared invalid, depriving it of its effects by virtue of of having been carried out in a manner contrary to the law. Indeed, it is an exceptional and restricted remedy, which always yields to the principles of conservation and transcendence5.
In this order of ideas, according to the doctrine of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, “…in matters of procedural annulments prevail a criterion of restrictive interpretation and it is only possible to annul the actions when a defect affects a right or legitimate interest and causes irreparable damage, without admitting them when there is no practical purpose, which is an unavoidable reason for its origin” (Fallos
5 fr. Navarro, Guillermo Rafael-Daray, Roberto Raúl; "Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation" (doctrinal and jurisprudential analysis) -articles 1/173-; Buenos Aires, Argentine Republic; Ed.: Hammurabi; year 2010; 4th Edition; p. 601.
328:1874; 325:1404; 323:929; 311:1413; 311:2337; between
many others), the highlighting and underlining added here.
Similarly, the Nation's Highest Court of Justice has repeatedly held that procedural annulment requires specific damage to one of the parties, because when it is adopted solely for the formal interest of complying with the law, it is a manifest ritual excess. not compatible with the good service of justice (Rulings 302:179; 304:1947;
306:149; 307:1131 and 325:1404).
Likewise, the members of the then National Chamber of Criminal Cassation -current Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation- have affirmed in the same line of argument, that: “…procedural annulments are from restrictive interpretation, being an essential condition for it to be declared that the law provides expressly for that sanction, that whoever requests it has a legal interest in nullity and also that they have not expressly or tacitly consented to it . In this way... the principles of conservation and transcendence... prevent the application of said sanction if the act attacked achieved its purpose, and if there is no damage that must be repaired”6, the highlighting and underlining is proper.
Having said that, regarding the proposals for annulment deduced by the private defenses regarding the visits of Judges Hornos and Borinsky to former President Macri and, therefore, its correlate in the violation of the guarantee of an impartial judge and to the possible interference of the Executive Power of that time, with respect to defining decisions in processes of institutional importance adopted by the Judicial Power of the Nation (cf. arts. 108 and following of the C.N.), it is appropriate to mention that there are currently criminal proceedings in process , before the National Courts in
6 fr. C.N.C.P., Room III, record no. 1289.07.3, “Serafini, Ricardo Augusto s/appeal”; cn° 2,471 labeled “Antolín, Miguel Ángel s/rec. of marriage”, reg. n° 765/00 of 11/30/00; cn° 9,320, titled “Burgos, Miguel Oscar and others s/rec. of appeal”, of 9/3/2008, among several other precedents.
Federal Criminal and Correctional No. 7 and 8, both from this city, cases No. 5,046/2021 and No. 1,000/2021, respectively, where all these issues are being analyzed, so that, INOFFICIOUS addressing said nullifying statements.
III.1. General considerations and introduction:
That, continuing with the treatment of the proposed topics, the defenses in their oral hearings cited the legal provision 361 of the Ritual Code, so that this Court addresses the exceptions of lack of action due to atypicality - non-existence of crime, which were formulated opportunely in this process.
The defenses demanded a broad interpretation of art. 361 of the C.P.P.N. This was requested by Dr. Fragueiro Frías -defender of Mr. Zannini-.
In addition, Dr. Lucila Larrandart
-defender of Mr. Andrés Larroque- and Dr. Marcos Aldazabal -defender of Mr. Juan Martín Mena-, requested the application of the legal norm established in art. 361 of the ordering of form.
Having said this, the Attorney General, Dr. Marcelo Colombo, enrolled in a restrictive interpretation of legal provision 361 of the formal ordering. At the same time, he considered that the factual and legal assumptions of the process publicly known as "future dollar", resolved by Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, on April 13, 2021, were not currently accepted. case.
Added to this, it is worth mentioning that article 361 of the National Criminal Procedure Code establishes the following: “When new evidence makes it evident that the accused acted in a state of non-imputability or exists or an extinctive cause of the criminal action occurs and to verify it, debate is not necessary, or
the defendant will be exempt from punishment by virtue of a more benign criminal law or article 132 or 185, paragraph 1 of the Criminal Code, the court will order, ex officio or at the request of a party, the dismissal” (textual).
Here it is worth making a parenthesis in the analysis, since in the framework of the Incident of Complementary Actions (CFP 12152/2015/TO1/55) formed in case no. Long Biocca, Alejandro and others s/fraud by fraudulent administration to the detriment of state patrimony", from the registry of the Federal Criminal Oral Court No. 1 of this city, I had the opportunity to issue myself on the application of art. 361 of the C.P.P.N. There I leaned towards a restrictive interpretation, regarding the application of the legal device under study, basically taking into account the existence of the fiscal opposition, with respect to the motion for dismissal formulated by the defenses involved there.
Now, by the way, in the ruling handed down by Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, in the case known as “future dollar”, the intervening judges emphatically questioned the vote issued by the majority of the Court of Trial, for not having addressed the substantive or substantial issues raised by the defenses of that process. In this regard, they said that: "...Thus, the court's claim to defer the analysis to the holding of the oral and public debate in a process of the present characteristics, when the new information incorporated could be decisive in the solution of the case, contradicts the principle of procedural economy and violates a correct administration of justice.” (textually, of the cited ruling, vote of the Chamber Judges, Drs. Daniel Antonio Petrone and Diego G. Barroetaveña).
The truth is that Room I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, on April 13, 2021 (Reg. No. 480/21) unanimously >, resolved to allow the appeals filed by the defenses and ordered the dismissal of the accused men and women in that process.
In this regard, it is worth mentioning some of the fragments of the ruling issued by Chamber I of the Superior Court, namely:
“…In this sense, it stated that it is not appropriate to consider the enumeration of the grounds prescribed in art.
361 of the CPPN and that, even in that instance, it is possible to order dismissal when any of the assumptions of art. 336 of the CPPN, provided that to adopt such a temperament it is not necessary to carry out an oral debate and that the reason for its dictation appears as "evident", from the examination of "new evidence" produced in the proceedings."
“However, once the trial stage has begun, the order of dismissal during the preliminary acts proceeds “(c) when it is evident from new evidence that the accused acted in a state of non-imputability or there exists or supervenes an extinctive cause of the criminal action and to verify it the debate is not necessary..., the court will dictate, ex officio or at the request of a party, the dismissal" (art. 361 of the CPPN) or by virtue of some exception of prior and special pronouncement deduced by any of the parties (art. 339, sub. 2, based on art. 358 of the CPPN).
“Thus, Chamber IV of this Court of Cassation has said that “(so) that the dismissal in the trial stage does not violate the guarantee of due process It must appear as a natural, irreversible and inevitable consequence that makes the debate unnecessary..." (cfr. opinion of Judge Gustavo M. Ovens in case No. CFP 8296/2014/TO2/2/CFC1, "Pucheta Nicolás David s/appeal", sentenced on 12/23/2015, reg. 2455 of Room IV of this CFCP).
“However, the provision presupposes that the new evidence on which the dismissal is based has been incorporated into the process after the request for referral to trial, during the supplementary investigation (cf. Navarro, Guillermo R. and Daray, Roberto R., National Code of Criminal Procedure. Doctrinal and jurisprudential analysis, ed. Hammurabi, Buenos Aires, 2004, p. 996).
“From this it can be inferred that the ritual ordering does not enable a reassessment of the data collected during the investigation or an evaluation of those different from that carried out during that procedural stage, but rather, an analysis of novel elements collected during the supplementary instruction that could not be taken into account previously, before which, while self-evident, the continuation of the process would imply an unjustified jurisdictional expense.
“In this order of ideas, there are conflicting opinions as to whether the cases listed in the legal precept of citation are exhaustive or, on the contrary, are merely exemplary.”.
“On the one hand, it is argued that the grounds contained in art. 361 of the CPPN "(s) are exhaustive and not susceptible to be extended to other similar cases that imply a pronouncement on issues that must be discussed in the oral debate, because this would affect the power of the accusing party to prove the extremes of his accusation and in consequently due process […]” (Jauchen, Eduardo M.; The oral trial in criminal proceedings, 1st ed., Rubinzal Culzoni, Santa Fe, 2008, p. 87).
“On the other, that those are not exhaustive and provided that the lack of action assumes the character of peremptory -inexistence of crime- it is the solution provided therein is applicable (D'Albora, Francisco; National Criminal Procedure Code, annotated and commented and agreed, 8th ed., Abeledo Perrot, Buenos Aires, 2009, p. 667). ”.
“From the analysis of the precept referred to in the preceding paragraph in light of the principle of procedural economy and the corresponding right that they have the persons accused to obtain a pronouncement that puts an end to the situation of uncertainty and undeniable as quickly as possible restriction that criminal prosecution entails , it can be deduced that the cases included in the regulation in question do not constitute a closed formula and that the dismissal will proceed provided that, as said, an “obvious” reason is verified that has arisen from “new evidence” produced in the stage of supplementary instruction and that makes it unnecessary to perform the discussion.” -highlighting and underlining added here-.
“This possibility provided by art. 361 of the CPPN is presented in our procedural system as an alternative that serves to avoid unnecessary trials and the consequent jurisdictional erosion that such activity it implies. It is that, precisely, the need to go through an oral debate and
public must overcome the reasonableness sieve delimited by the principles and guarantees of the criminal process.”.
“In this sense, here it will be adopted, as part of the doctrine supports it, a flexible reading of the norm that allows, in exceptional hypotheses, deviate from the literal text of the procedural regulations to preserve the rights of the indicted persons and thus avoid incurring in a excessive ritualism.”7(textual), highlighting and underlining added here.
This re-examination of the criterion sustained in the process "2728" leads me to maintain -as a central point- consolidating the procedural economy, regarding the holding of Trial hearings, when the evidence that is incorporated in this instance or the existing guides us conclusively to the unnecessaryness of the Oral Trial.
A lot of ink has been spilled in the various positions, but a common denominator has been the efficient cause, because when -in general terms- the judge notices a cause for extinction of the criminal action, he cannot rely on an excessive formal rigorism.
For this reason, the new jurisprudential view -to which I adhere- has a clear foundation in a modern criminal procedural law, which conceives a thought that overcomes jurisdictional wear and tear, which implies that the conflict is addressed only in the Trial stage and not in an intermediate, when particular circumstances so enable it.
Strictly speaking, it is possible to access the proposed solution, based on the novel jurisprudence and the interrelation of the norms that warn to end the uncertainty of the people subjected to the process, since the sustained position cannot be interpreted as an attack on the essential forms of the process, while trying to avoid excessive ritualism.
That, based on the foregoing, based on this jurisprudential precedent, the matter is authorized in order to enter the merits of the
7Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation, Room I, case no. CFP 12.152/2015/TO1/55/CFC7, titled "Vanoli Long Biocca, Alejandro and others s/appeal", resolved on 04/13/2021, Reg. no. 480/21.
matter raised by the intervening defenses, since the Superior Court so requires.
On this point, I will have to disagree with the intervening Attorney General, since Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber considered that a flexible interpretation of the aforementioned legal provision should be made, as transcribed ut-supra.
In this way, it can be affirmed that this jurisprudential shift is viable based on what was resolved by Chamber I of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation, in the process publicly known as “future dollar”, case No. 2,728 (CFP 12,152/ 2015/TO1), from the registry of the Federal Criminal Oral Court No. 1 of this city.
Now, in the same vein, on July 16, 2021, before a request for dismissal made by the defenses, under the terms of art.
361 of the C.P.P.N., within the framework of case no. 2,668 (CFP 6606/2015/TO1), titled "Herrera Viana, Ana Paula and others s/fraud against the public administration" of the registry of the Oral Criminal Court Federal No. 1, I resolved to make room for said proposal, in accordance with the ruling by the Representative of the Public Prosecutor's Office.
This finds similarity with the case brought to study, since it is based on the new evidence produced during the supplementary investigation of the aforementioned file (cf. art. 357 of the C.P.P.N.) and, as stated the Superior in the aforementioned precedent, I was able to find valid grounds that inclined me to modify the restrictive criteria that I had applied up to now.
In this order of ideas, in the “Méndez” ruling issued by Chamber II of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation, in relation to the application of art.
361 of the National Criminal Procedure Code, Chamber Judges, Drs. Guillermo J. Yacobucci and Luis
M. Garcia, took into consideration the following:
“…I observe that although it is acceptable to consider that the statement of art.361 of the CPPN is not merely exhaustive, the truth is that to resort to this procedure, it becomes essential that the legal situation appear as evident, it is not necessary to concretize the debate or the laws themselves are modified. normative budgets of the imputation. Herein lies the core of the legal significance of the mechanism and in this regard the circumstance to which it is intended to apply must present sufficient analogy to make it plausible.” 8-the highlighted and underlined here added-.
In effect, here it is emphasized that, in the file under study, on the occasion of the incorporation into the process of new evidence -specifically, reference is made to the information provided by Interpol >, by means of note dated 06/22/2020, which will be discussed in depth in the respective section, the path provided by art. 361 of the C.P.P.N. adopting a broad approach with regard to its approach.
In a tight synthesis, the application of the legal device 361 of the ordering of form is binary.
Thus, it has been stated that: “When new evidence proves it evident and not merely debatable..., it seems reasonable to dispense with a trial that would necessarily lead to the acquittal of the accused. The “evidence” must arise from new evidence not available at the time the case is referred to trial. On the contrary, if this is not evident but a hypothesis that can be discussed, then the debate in the oral trial cannot be dispensed with, a propitious environment for the contradictory. The reference to "new evidence" in the factual assumption of art. 361 is decisive, because the legal provision does not tolerate that the a quo, without contradiction, re-examine the elements of conviction available before referral to trial, assessing them differently from what has been done in that requirement”9.
8 Opinion of Mr. Chamber Judge, Dr. Guillermo J. Yacobucci, C.F.C.P., Chamber II, case no. No. 17.980.
9 Case No. 10786 (Reg. 15,575) -Claim II CNCP “Isea Núñez, Néstor s/ cassation appeal”, dated 11/19/2009.
It is appropriate to point out that what arises from the aforementioned ruling is linked to the analysis that we are summoned to here, since new evidence was incorporated into the file under study whose entity to turn the course of the process cannot be ignored.
Note what is happening here, since, as mentioned, the Interpol note dated 06/22/2020 that is in the file and that was incorporated as a supplementary instruction, warns with crystal clarity that cannot be reversed, since, from the supplementary instruction produced at this stage of the plenary session, it emerges as a novel and determining element of proof, that the red alerts were always in force.
Faced with this, I must point out that the impossibility of the witnesses Noble and Sollier testifying, either in person or remotely, coupled with the statements they made on social networks and, considering, in turn, that the international organization of which they were a part, informed this Court that they enjoyed diplomatic immunities, finding that the possibility of their appearance was prohibited, does not modify the factual scenario in the slightest, since the forcefulness of the information sent by Interpol is enough to corroborate the validity of such notifications and seal the fate of this issue.
To the reasons stated I must add that logical reasons of procedural economy make me admit such a criterion, since the scenario described so far convinces me that holding an oral and public trial is not necessary, for the reasons that will be exposed below. continuation.
In this way, I understand that the substantiation of the debate would imply, in the case that summons us, an unnecessary jurisdictional wear, since, as it happens in the present, it is possible to predict at this point,
the outcome that would have been reached once the trial had crystallized. In this way, the substantiation of the trial, considering the complexity of the case, assessing the entity of the facts, the proof they require and the difficulties they entail, in conjunction with the interpretation that has been made of the events brought to study, me It allows us to maintain -without hesitation- that its realization would have generated a waste of the work of this judicial office.
In this sense, the nature of the accusations cannot be ignored and, even less, the political situation that was going on in our country at that time.
Now, as is well known, the right of the people involved to have their procedural situation resolved in the shortest possible time is of substantial importance, from the point of view of the obligation of the state, which implies carrying out cases in reasonable time. . It is worth remembering the “Funes” ruling of the CSJN dated October 14 of 2014, in which it had been highlighted with citations from a ruling by the IACHR (“Albán Cornejo et al. vs. Ecuador”, dated November 22, 2007, paragraphs 111 and 112) that the person subjected to proceedings , is not responsible for guarding the speed and diligence of the action and the development of the criminal process, which is why the delay in the administration of justice cannot be attributed to it, since this would be to the detriment of their rights.
I can affirm then, that certain situations may require greater diligence and speed, thus acquiring, the duration of the process, a particularized content in the face of each specific situation that arises.
In addition to this, we find that in our law there are no rules that expressly resolve the issue, leaving it left to the prudent judgment of the judge. In line with the above, it cannot go unnoticed, that questioning the
reasonableness of the situation presented here implies in itself an indispensable margin of discretion that will decide on its viability. (Ruling 272:188, doctrine reiterated in the precedents of ruling 297:486, 298:50, 298:312, 300:1102, 316:2063, among others, and recently in rulings 332:1492 and 333:1987).
That, next, it is appropriate to detail the content of the accusation that works in the request for referral to trial. From there comes what is detailed below:
That, next, it is necessary to detail the content of the accusation that works in the request for elevation to trial formulated by the Federal Prosecutor of the previous instance, Dr. Eduardo R. Taiano in charge of the National Criminal Prosecutor's Office and Federal Correctional No. 3 of this city, under the terms of the legal provisions
346 and 347 -inc. 2°- of the ordering of form. From there comes what is detailed below:
“II. LIST OF THE FACTS
Before beginning with the description of the factual platform that supports the accusation that the defendants will have to face, this party considers it pertinent to make a series of considerations that must be taken into account to correctly understand the criminal maneuver that will be addressed.”
“In this sense, the implementation of a sophisticated criminal plan in which multiple actors took part, with a division of roles and the specific fulfillment of tasks, first requires analyzing the general context of the maneuver on which they will be based private reproaches.
“This is so, because the separate and isolated treatment of the conduct of each of the defendants without
considering the framework in which they were developed prevents us from understanding the real scope and significance of their actions, since it is precisely the concatenation of one fact with the other and their global analysis, the only point of view from which the true truth can be glimpsed. dimension of the criminal operation under study”.
“a. Research context
In order to properly understand the behaviors for which proceedings are required to proceed to the oral debate stage, it is useful to remember that on July 18, 1994, the terrorist attack against the AMIA headquarters was perpetrated, which caused the death of eighty-five people and injuries of different magnitude to more than one hundred and fifty.”
“Argentine justice determined that the highest Iranian authorities in 1994 were the ones who made the decision to attack the headquarters of the mutual, diagrammed the implementation of that attack and entrusted its execution to the Lebanese terrorist organization Hezbollah.”
“Consequently, prosecutors Alberto Nisman and Marcelo Martínez Burgos presented an opinion to the judge in the case in October 2006 requesting the issuance of national and international arrest warrants for nine citizens – eight of Iranian nationality , one Lebanese–, because he understands that his involvement in planning the event has been proven, through a series of different tests, including intelligence reports, testimonies, etc..”
“Given this, in November 2006, Dr. Rodolfo Canicoba Corral declared that the crime investigated constituted a crime against humanity and ordered the international arrest of the Iranian citizens Ali Akbar Hashemi Bahramaie Rafsanjani ( Former President of Iran), Ali Fallahijian (Former Minister of Interior and Security and Intelligence), Ali Akbar Velayati (Minister of Foreign Affairs), Mohsen Rezai (Former Head of the Revolutionary Guard), Ahmad Vahidi (Former Head of the Al Quds Force and former Defense Minister), Mohsen Rabbani (Former Cultural Attaché of the Iranian Embassy in Argentina), Admad Reza Asghari (Former Third Secretary of the Iranian Embassy in Argentina), Hadi Soleimpanpour (Former Ambassador of the Republic of Iran in Argentina) and the Lebanese citizen Imad Fawaz Moughnieh (Head of the Foreign Service of Hezbollah) (cf. fs. 2915/42)”.
“The purpose of the measure was to impose charges against those named – an act of impossible dispensation, according to current Argentine procedural laws (art. 283 and 294 of the CPPN) – for eighty-five cases of homicide aggravated by different hypotheses, minor and serious injuries and damages. To this end, the authorities of the Islamic Republic were urged and requested
Iran's detention for extradition purposes of its accused citizens; to the national security forces to complete what is ordered; and to the INTERPOL Department of the PFA to urge the publication of Series "A" Diffusions on the accused."
“On December 1, 2006, all the defendants were declared rebels in the framework of case No. 8566/1996.”.
“From this, no competent authority annulled the captures, modified their terms or objectives, or reviewed the foundations of the conclusions reached in the exercise of the role assigned to it by the National Constitution. The arrest of the Iranian defendants was –and is- necessary, not only to investigate them for the facts accused, but for any possible subsequent progress in the prosecution.”
“International requisitions were addressed to INTERPOL
– International Criminal Police Organization- through the Buenos Aires National Central Office, which constitutes the natural channel of communication with the Institution.”
“Due to the provisions of the court, on November 7, 2007, the General Assembly of the Organization ordered the registration of the arrest warrants as a red notice for five of the eight defendants of Iranian nationality . It did so after listening to the allegations of the Argentine delegation, led by Dr. Alberto Nisman. Indeed, since 2007, the defendants Fallahijan, Rezai, Vahidi, Rabbani and Asghari have received red notifications, that is, the highest search priority registered by Interpol."
“In this context, the political position adopted by the National Executive Branch headed by Néstor Kirchner -and the Ministry of Foreign Relations and Worship of the Nation- consisted of collaborating and assisting the judicial authorities in order to materialize the international arrest warrants issued in the framework of the AMIA case, to such an extent that it took the case to the General Assembly of the United Nations; this, in defense of the jurisdiction of Argentine justice and national sovereignty, and the full publicity of government acts, agreed with the relatives and the victims of the attack."
“During the administration of the ex-president and until the end of 2010, the political-strategic position of our country was based on demanding that the Islamic Republic of Iran not cooperate with the investigation and its refusal to extradite the accused, as well as in undauntedly rejecting the offers of Persian officials who proposed intermediate or consensual solutions through the constitution of mixed legal committees to evaluate the evidence and seek a politically negotiated solution to what constitutes a clear question
judicial, in addition to constantly requesting the removal of INTERPOL's red notices issued to the citizens of their country.
“The Islamic Republic of Iran never gave in to the claims or accepted any of the alternatives offered by Argentina to subject the Iranian defendants to judicial proceedings.”
“The bilateral relationship for many years was marked by Iranian indifference to Argentine claims and, as a counterpart, by the iron and solid decision of the National Executive Power not to advance on any front without first obtaining the cooperation of Tehran , that is, the extradition of the defendants for trial before the national courts, with the recognition of all the rights provided for in our legal system.”
“b. Facts subject to imputation
The accusation of this Public Prosecutor's Office is part of the implementation of a sophisticated criminal plan deliberately devised to cover up and provide impunity for the Iranian citizens accused of having carried out the terrorist attack against the AMIA headquarters, as resolved in case No. 8566/1996 of the registry of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 6, in order to remove and definitively evade the actions of Argentine justice."
“This criminal maneuver was designed and implemented by the highest authorities of the former National Executive Power, specifically by Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER, former President of the Nation, Héctor Marcos TIMERMAN , former Minister of Foreign Relations and Worship of the Nation, Eduardo ZUAIN, former Vice Minister of Foreign Relations and Worship, Carlos Alberto ZANNINI, former Secretary of Legal and Technical, Angelina María Esther ABBONA, former National Treasury Attorney, Juan Martín MENA, former Chief of Staff and Undersecretary for Criminal Policy of the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, Oscar Isidro José PARRILLI, former Secretary General of the Presidency, Andrés LARROQUE, National Deputy, as well as Luis Ángel D'ELÍA, Fernando ESTECHE, Ramón Héctor Allan BOGADO and Jorge Alejandro KHALIL.”.
“The means chosen to channel the illegitimate will was the Memorandum of Understanding between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran on issues related to the terrorist attack on the AMIA headquarters, signed on January 27, 2013 , in the city of Addis Ababa, Kingdom in Ethiopia.”.
“In the instrument, the parties provided various ways to achieve the agreed objective. The first one, the purpose of which was that the defendants of Iranian nationality in condition
of fugitives –and those who had red notices from INTERPOL– escaped from the action of justice, was sagaciously translated into article 7 of the agreement when it established that, after the document was signed, it had to be sent jointly by both parties foreign ministers to the Secretary General of Interpol in compliance with the requirements demanded by the Organization in relation to this case."
“This clause, designed to affect the status of red alerts by an alternative route to the will of the judge in the case, was endowed with autonomous and immediate operation, and it is not necessary for the instrument to be ratified for its compliance. ”.
“Thus, in accordance with the provisions of Article 7, former Foreign Minister Héctor TIMERMAN and his Iranian counterpart, Ali Akbar Salehi, addressed a letter signed by both of them to the Secretary General of the International Criminal Police Organization informing him that the countries they had agreed that the issues between them on the AMIA case would be resolved through bilateral cooperation.”
“That note, which the defendants kept hidden and whose existence was confirmed in 2017, was sent by the National Central Office of Tehran to the headquarters of the Police Agency on February 15, 2013, and granted to the INTERPOL General Secretariat the suitable objective elements so that it ceases its cooperation unilaterally and annuls, suspends or modifies the status of the red circulars published, regardless of the order of the judge of the cause."
“By virtue of the powers conferred on it, on March 12, 2013, the INTERPOL General Secretariat inscribed a warning in English on each of the red circulars of Iranian fugitives Ali Fallahijian, Mohsen Rezai, Ahmad Vahidi , Mohsen Rabbani and Admad Reza Asghari, and established the existence of the agreement by means of which Argentina and Iran would resolve issues related to the case bilaterally and through diplomatic channels."
“The publication of these legends moderated the effectiveness of the published red alerts, and greatly improved the situation of the Iranian fugitives, since their arrest would not proceed immediately.”
“In short, the national officials and representatives of the Iranian government took all possible actions within their reach so that the fugitives accused in the framework of the AMIA case could escape the action of justice by granting the General Secretariat of INTERPOL the powers to cancel the red alerts without counting on the will of the judge in the case. This is so, since the defendants had full knowledge of the internal regulations of the Agency
police
and its precedents, as well as the background of the AMIA case before said Organization.”.
“Furthermore, although the red notices were not canceled withdrawal, the conduct of the defendants managed to affect their effectiveness, both that to this day the removal of the legends cannot be done without the consent of the NCO Tehran.”
“The second way of impunity that the defendants agreed upon together with the representatives of the Persian government was the creation of the “Truth Commission ”. This legal mechanism was designed to help the Iranian defendants to evade the investigation of the attack, and definitively disassociate them from the AMIA case by introducing a new false hypothesis that would redirect the investigation towards other defendants.”
“In order to achieve definitive impunity, in the text of the agreement the accused officials and the counterpart granted the “Truth Commission”, also made up of representatives of the Iranian regime, broad powers to the detriment of the exclusive jurisdictional prerogatives of the judge in the case, such is the case of the recommendations to be taken into account in the future on how to proceed in the investigation.”
“When the time comes, the “Truth Commission” would be in charge of receiving and assessing new evidence – including those that Iran claims to have in its possession. The conclusions of the Commission, previously agreed, was the agreed way to present a new hypothesis without Iranian citizens as defendants, thus legitimizing the redirection of the investigation and the definitive non-crimination of the defendants by the Argentine justice system. In other words, the Commission would allow the introduction of the new false thesis that, supported by fabricated evidence, would replace the accusations sustained by the national justice system.”
“In this framework of impunity, the defendants agreed with the Iranian government to set aside the possibility that the Argentine judicial authorities were in charge of the interrogations, they did not provide for the application of national procedural regulations, and they did not grant the judge of the case the possibility of detaining all or some of the Iranian fugitives depending on what emerged from the interrogations. Likewise, it was foreseen that only the five Iranian fugitives on whom INTERPOL red alerts weigh would be the only ones to be interrogated.
“The subjugation of the exclusive powers of jurisdictional spring on which the defendants advanced with the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, were a hindrance to the public officials in charge of the investigation for the attack on the AMIA - Attorney General and Judge Federal- in the fulfillment of an act of its own functions."
“In this context, the first step in the criminal maneuver was to abandon the political position embraced during the administration of Néstor Kirchner and the will to prosecute the Iranian officials accused by the Argentine justice system of being responsible for the AMIA attack. ”.
“For this, Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER considered it essential to address the AMIA case in such a way as to satisfy Persian interests, since the formal accusation for it jurisdictional body and international arrest warrants issued – INTERPOL red notices– turned out to be an obstacle obstacle between both governments for the normalization of measures relations and the deepening and strengthening of ties bilateral commercial level.”.
“To resolve the controversy, the ex-president issued an express directive to her foreign minister Héctor TIMERMAN, the main implementer of the impunity plan devised, and also to her other consorts in the cause, so that they design and execute a legal scaffolding tending to exculpate and release the accused Iranian citizens from responsibility.”
“The change of political position regarding the consideration of the case of the attack that the National Executive Power experienced at the head of the accused was gradual and implied two years of secret and public negotiations with the Iranian government, in which the Argentine authorities they left aside the demand for justice in the AMIA case.”
“In this way, the government of Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER went from a position of respect for national interests, to a contrary attitude and concealment, based on the violation of the republican principle of government, the division of powers, judicial independence and above all to the detriment of the interests of the victims of the attack and their families.”
“Within the framework of these hidden and secret meetings, the day
January 24, 2011, Foreign Minister Hector TIMERMAN traveled to the city of Aleppo, Syrian Arab Republic, and met with his Iranian counterpart, Ali Akbar Salehi, whom he informed that the authorities of the national government were willing to give up the search for those responsible for the attack on the AMIA headquarters and any claim for cooperation and justice.”
“The negotiations with the representatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran were kept secret until September 25, 2012, when Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER, before the General Assembly of the United Nations, publicly formalized the will of the Argentine State to seek a solution to the AMIA case, citing in this regard the existence of a proposal for dialogue made by the Islamic Republic of Iran.
“This intention of dialogue led to the meeting of Foreign Ministers Héctor TIMERMAN and Ali Akbar Salehi at the United Nations headquarters on September 27, 2012, where the intention was made manifest of the parties to seek a political solution to the AMIA case. The then vice chancellor Eduardo ZUAIN also attended.”.
“From that moment on, a second period of public -but reserved- negotiations began between the representatives of both countries, which culminated exactly four months later with the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding.”.
“The preparation of the meetings to be held with the Iranian delegation took place in October 2012 at the headquarters of the National Treasury Attorney, in which Eduardo ZUAIN participated and Angelina ABBONA, as well as other Foreign Ministry officials. After the meeting, Juan Martín MENA was informed of the issues addressed and the objectives to be followed.
“On October 30, 2012, at the United Nations headquarters in the city of Geneva, the first meeting between Argentine officials and representatives of the Iranian government took place. The Argentine Delegation was made up of Angelina ABBONA and Eduardo ZUAIN, as well as other employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship of the Nation and the Office of the Treasury of the Nation .”.
“The second series of diplomatic meetings took place in the city of Zurich on November 27 and 28, 2012, and was once again attended by Eduardo ZUIAN and Angelina ABBONA. ”.
“On January 3 and 23, 2013, Foreign Ministers TIMERMAN and Salehi agreed to meet in the city of Zurich to finalize the final clauses of the agreement.”.
“Immediately afterwards, on January 24 and 25, Héctor TIMERMAN met with Cristina FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER and Carlos Alberto ZANNINI to Review the text of the document. After the meetings, he traveled to the city of Addis Ababa, and on January 27, 2013, he signed the Memorandum of Understanding.
“The aforementioned diplomatic work sessions did not respect at all the usual procedure followed for this kind of negotiations, and they were developed in marked contrast to the procedure that the Foreign Ministry had historically around the AMIA case.”
“Likewise, within the framework of this cover-up, the defendants, in full abusive exercise of their powers, denied Prosecutor Alberto Nisman, then head of the AMIA Prosecutor Unit, as well as community representatives and family members of the victims of the attack, all kinds of information on the development and progress of the negotiations of the agreement.
“The Memorandum of Understanding was presented by the defendants before public opinion and the political arena as an ideal instrument to advance in the investigation of the AMIA case. Former President FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER and former Minister Héctor TIMERMAN launched the agreement as a “historic achievement” and stated that it was a tool to facilitate international cooperation, specially designed to collaborate with the Argentine judicial authorities.”
“However, the reality was that it was only one of the means chosen by the parties to make viable the criminal plan that they negotiated for two years, since its letter turned out to be functional to the spurious maneuver.”
“Thus, on February 7, 2013, the ex-president sent the agreement to the National Congress for its approval, having to convene special sessions for these purposes, given that Parliament was in recess. After the treatment in commissions, both legislative chambers approved the agreement, which was sanctioned on February 27 by National Law No. 26,843 and which, the following day, was promulgated in the Official Gazette of March 1, all of 2013 (B.O. No. 32,591).
“With that goal, in the plenary session of the “Commissions on Foreign Relations and Worship, Constitutional Affairs and Justice and Criminal Affairs of the Senate of the Nation”, which took place on February 13, 2013, the The accused deployed a discursive and communication strategy based on fallacies and misrepresentations of facts that were aimed at deceiving legislators –and the public as well– and installing the idea that the legal case for the AMIA attack had been paralyzed for years, and that the only way to achieve significant progress in the investigation was through the Memorandum of Understanding.”
“The former foreign minister prepared his presentation to the National Congress together with Juan Martín MENA and Carlos Alberto ZANNINI.”.
“The cover-up maneuver implemented by the defendants should not be confused with a diplomatic negotiation, even though its execution has included formal diplomatic contacts.”.
“In this understanding, this complex cover-up maneuver required the use of parallel channels, unofficial, but reliable and concrete, to transmit between the governments of Argentina and Iran that information related to criminal activity that could not be provided through the channels legal.”.
“While the public diplomatic negotiations were taking place, the criminal plan took its steps underhandedly through alternative channels.”.
“This informal communication channel was covered by Luis Ángel D'ELÍA, Fernando ESTECHE, Jorge Alejandro KHALIL and Ramón Héctor Allan BOGADO who, in compliance with orders and directives given to them by officials of the National Executive Power, especially Oscar Isidro PARRILLI and Andrés LARROQUE, contributed strategically and substantially with the actions required to make the success of the plan viable.” .
“Specifically, by instruction of officials of the Presidency of the Nation, D'ELÍA, ESTECHE, KHALIL and BOGADO, they carried out the necessary conduct so that the negotiations between the two governments on the Memorandum of Understanding were not hindered; they transmitted the messages of the officials of Buenos Aires and Tehran, informing him about everything that happened to the fugitive Mohsen Rabbani; and they also promoted those actions tending to build a new alternative hypothesis about the attack that would allow the Iranian defendants to be separated from the case.”
“In short, the implementation and execution of the criminal plan that this Prosecutor's Office reproaches the defendants consisted in the elimination of the accusations that the Argentine justice leveled against Iranian officials, being the signing of the bilateral agreement the best way they found to dispel such accusations, provide impunity and present the issue in the most thorough manner possible in the eyes of the Argentine citizenry.”
“It wasn't two parties negotiating an agreement. There were two partners looking for the most discreet and viable way to erase a criminal charge for a crime against humanity.
“By virtue of the aforementioned considerations, this representation of the Public Prosecutor's Office charges Cristina Elisabet FERNÁNDEZ DE KIRCHNER, Héctor Marcos TIMERMAN, Eduardo Antonio ZUAIN< /b>, Angelina María Esther ABBONA, Juan Martín MENA, Carlos Alberto ZANNINI, Oscar Isidro José PARRILLI, Andrés LARROQUE, Luis Ángel D'ELÍA, Jorge Alberto KHALIL, Luís Fernando ESTECHE and Ramón Héctor Allan BOGADO for having devised and implemented a maneuver through which they provided the necessary help to the citizens of Iranian nationality accused of having perpetrated the attack on the AMIA headquarters, so that they escape and evade justice Argentina in the framework of case no. 8566/1996.”.
“To this end, the Memorandum of Understanding with the Islamic Republic of Iran was signed on January 27, 2013, in whose provisions the appropriate legal mechanisms were contemplated in order to influence the status of INTERPOL red notices that weighed on the defendants regardless of the order of the judge in the case, as well as for the formation of a Commission whose purpose was to release them from all
responsibility for the facts and definitively separate them from the investigation.”
“To this end, Cristina FERNÁNDEZ DE KIRCHNER, Héctor Marcos TIMERMAN, Eduardo Antonio ZUAIN, Angelina María Esther ABBONA, Juan Martín MENA, Carlos Alberto ZANNINI, Oscar Isidro José PARRILLI and Andrés LARROQUE, in full abusive exercise of their positions, hindered the actions of the court and the Public Prosecutor's Office."
“For their part, Luis Ángel D'ELÍA, Jorge Alberto KHALIL, Luís Fernando ESTECHE and Ramón Héctor Allan BOGADO, based on their ties and connections with representatives of the Iranian regime, actively collaborated with officials of the National Executive Power in the execution of all those substantial actions to implement the criminal plan.” (textual)10, the highlighting corresponds to the original, as well as the highlighting and underlining added here.
It is worth saying that the factual basis detailed ut-supra, coincides -in substance- with the one exposed by the complainants, in their respective requests for submission to trial11.
The case brought to study requires an exegesis in the light of Public International Law.
In this way, it is necessary to point out that we are dealing with a treaty signed by two contracting States –between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic State of Iran-, which is a source of international law, cfr . art. 38 app. I inc. a) of the Statute of the International Court of Justice.
In a liminary way, it can be affirmed that "treaty" is any international agreement entered into in writing between States and governed by international law, whether it is contained in a single instrument or in two or more related instruments, and whatever its particular name - cf. art. 2 inc. a) of the
10 Requirement for submission to trial formulated by the Federal Prosecutor No. 3 of this city, dated 02/6/2018.
11See fs. 9306/9358 and fs. 9364/9380 of the main performances.
Vienna Convention on the law of treaties of 1969-.
Now, from this definition we can see the elements that must be present for us to speak of a treaty, and not of other types of agreements in force in international law.
Thus, from the text of the Vienna Convention it can be inferred that: a) the treaty is a manifestation of concordant wills, which distinguishes it from unilateral acts; b) the treaty is formalized in writing, which differentiates it from verbal and tacit agreements; c) it is entered into between subjects of International Law, which distinguishes it from agreements subject to International Law, which can be concluded with subjects of domestic law;
d) it can be bilateral or multilateral; e) produces legal effects, which distinguishes it from non-regulatory agreements; f) the effects of the treaty are between the parties, the subjects that have consented to it; g) the treaty is governed by the norms of International Law, which differentiates it from internal law contracts signed between subjects of International Law; and h) the title given to the treaty is irrelevant.12
Regarding the requirement that the agreement must be made in writing, it is supported by the fact that being bound by the terms of an international treaty is an attribute of sovereignty, so it is necessary that the consent given by the parties negotiating States is unequivocal, under the prescriptions that International Law establishes in those cases, where the legal effects derived from it are delimited, both the rights they create, as well as the obligations they entail for the contracting parties, as well as the conditions of their validity and the term that is available for it, since this is a guarantee of legal security for the subjects of Law
12See Treaty of International Law, Antonio Remiro Brotons, year 2010, p. 318.
International, and its breach by any of the contracting parties will be grounds for international liability.
For its part, it is appropriate to point out that the importance of formality lies in the fact that, unlike verbal agreements and political agreements, this type of agreement carries legal consequences, therefore, the Vienna Convention provides additionally the regime to be applied to treaties, without prejudice to the fact that what will prevail, in all cases, will be the clauses provided in the treaty in question by the signatories themselves, depending on the autonomy of the will.
Likewise, and in this sense, it should be remembered that those who may sign international treaties will be the States (art. 6 C.V), as well as International Organizations (as subjects of International Law). Thus, the Vienna Convention highlights in its art. 7, that those who may represent a State in the negotiation of a treaty will be: a) those with full powers; b) who habitually represents the State of the practice followed by it, disregarding full powers; c) Heads of State, Heads of Government and
Ministers of Foreign Affairs,
under
their
functions; d) Heads of Missions
Diplomatic;
e)
Representatives accredited by the
States before
one
international conference or before an International Organization, in order to adopt the text of a treaty.
Consequently, it should be noted that, once the international treaties have been negotiated and signed in the terms proposed by the contracting States, said procedure must culminate in ratification, that is, beyond adhering to or consent to the provisions stipulated in the agreement of wills and formulate the reservations of the case, the contracting States must - through the device proposed in the letter of the treaty -
ratify it through a) exchange of instruments; b) deposit of the instrument of ratification in the possession of the depositary; or c) by notification to the contracting States or to the depository if so agreed (cf. art. 16 C.V). This step is decisive, since from there the treaty will enter into force.
Thus, it can be understood that in the genesis of an international law treaty we will find three moments: a) first, the negotiation between subjects of International Law, regarding the matter, clauses, rights, obligations, entry into force, dispute resolution mechanisms or interpretation of the agreement, term of validity, denomination, and any other clause that the contracting parties consider, which will culminate with the authentication of the text and the signature of the persons authorized to do so (who by their investiture or by exercising full powers can do it); b) secondly, the internal process, that is, the acceptance of the authenticated text through the mechanisms provided by the internal legal system, that is, the approval by the legislative or competent body of the provisions agreed upon by the executive body, where all clarifications, exceptions and rectifications can be made -or can be approved in full-, which will translate into reservations at the time of ratification; c) finally, the perfection of the negotiation between the contracting parties, which is made effective, as is known, with the ratification of the signed treaty, that is, through the deposit of the instrument, or through an exchange of notes, or the act that the parties provide, which will depend on the letter of the agreed agreement.
This moment in the formation of the treaty is vital, since, until that moment, the States are negotiators or contracting parties, but, with the ratification, they become parties to the treaty, and it enters into force, becoming enforceable, to all their efects.
In this cableway, art. 24 of the Vienna Convention establishes that the entry into force will take place in the manner and on the date provided in the agreement, or agreed upon by the negotiating States. Thus, and in the case under study, we can understand that the Memorandum of Understanding signed by the Argentine Republic and the Islamic State of Iran, in accordance with the provisions of its art. Art. of its text by the Congress, Parliament or other competent bodies, in accordance with the laws of each country.
Thus, in the internal order, it is necessary to point out that our Magna Carta provides in its art. 75 -inc. 22°- the competence of the Federal Congress to approve or reject the treaties and concordats -celebrated with other nations, international organizations and the Holy See, respectively-, which will have a hierarchy superior to the laws, in accordance with the provisions of the art. 99 -inc. 1°- of the C.N., regarding the Executive Branch.
Regarding the procedure, the President of the Nation, in his capacity as Head of State (or that person authorized to represent the nation, such as the Minister of Foreign Affairs), negotiates and signs the international treaties with other nations and with international organizations, as well as concordats with the Holy See, in accordance with the powers conferred by the National Constitution. However, the treaties also require the approval of the National Congress, which, by means of a law, consents to what the Executive Power has done. But the approval of Congress is not enough for the country to become internationally bound. For this to occur, the President of the Nation must ratify the instrument in question, in accordance with the rules of law.
international and those established in the same treaty13.
From all of the above, it can be inferred that verbal agreements, even tacit ones, products of oral manifestations or conjugation of acts, behaviors and omissions from subjects of International Law, although they may produce legal effects, are not treated.
V.2.a Approximation between the parties:
In this regard, I consider it necessary to highlight that the first rapprochement between the parties took place at the request of the Office of Legal Affairs of the General Secretariat of Interpol who, in a communication dated January 28, 2008 , informed the former Argentine Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship of a proposal from the Iranian government to hold meetings to discuss future cooperation regarding the investigation of the facts related to the AMIA case, at the headquarters of the aforementioned Secretariat , requesting that Argentina's availability to participate in these be reported, a circumstance that the Foreign Ministry informed the Prosecutor and the Judge of the case, on April 1, 2008.
Subsequently, on November 3, 2009, the Secretary General of Interpol, Ronald Noble, through an official statement, invited the Argentine and Iranian authorities to meet in the headquarters of the General Secretariat of Interpol, in order to consider the possibility that the trial on the 1994 attack against the AMIA be carried out in a third State. He made it known, in turn, that Interpol's objective was to help both States to get out of the deadlock in which cooperation between Argentina and Iran found themselves, subjecting
13See Constitution of the Argentine Nation, María Angélica Gelli, La Ley, year 2006, Volume II, p. 220.
consideration by both parties of a specific proposal so that the investigation into the AMIA case can continue advancing.
Subsequently, on March 10, 2010, Interpol published, through an official statement, that representatives of Argentina and Iran met at the headquarters of said Institution for the first time since 2007. Thus, it indicated that The initiative was part of the ongoing efforts made by the international police organization to advance the legal proceedings in relation to the AMIA attack. He maintained that no significant progress was made at the meeting; however, he considered that a path had been found that would allow it to become the conduit for the exchange of information related to the case, which is satisfactory for both States.
This is how, on September 24, 2010, the former President of the Nation, Cristina Elisabet Fernández de Kirchner, declared before the General Assembly of the United Nations that she offered the Islamic Republic of Iran that a third country be chosen by mutual agreement, where the guarantees of due process are in force, in addition, where there may be international observers, and in which United Nations delegates participate, in order to carry out the trial of the attack on the AMIA.
The permanent representative of Iran to the United Nations, in response to the request of the Argentine president, stated in a letter addressed to the President of the General Assembly that there was no binding treaty on judicial cooperation between Argentina and Iran, that Argentina had systematically refused to negotiate a legal framework for cooperation and that any request for judicial cooperation was untenable under these conditions.
For this reason, former Foreign Minister Timerman requested the opinion of the Legal Counsel, who ruled on October 18, 2010 indicating that
Argentina and Iran are not bound by any bilateral or multilateral treaty from which arises the obligation to provide legal assistance in criminal matters.
It should be noted that the rapprochement between countries regarding the drafting of the Memorandum occurred in 2011. On that occasion, the Argentine State Chancellery, through communication No. 336/11, dated July 17, 2011, reported that the government took note of an official statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran, according to which its government was ready to engage in constructive dialogue and cooperate within the framework of the law in the search for and punishment of those responsible for the terrorist attack against the AMIA building, which cost the lives of 85 people. In turn, that the Argentine Foreign Ministry was waiting to receive an official communication from its Iranian counterpart, considering that this would be an unprecedented and positive advance, ratifying, in turn, that law and justice are the only way to continue. in the fight against terrorism.14
It should be noted that, as former Foreign Minister Héctor Marcos Timerman pointed out in the letter that accompanied his investigative statement dated October 17, 2017, a confidential meeting also took place at that time (2011) with his Iranian peer (see fs.7834/5), in order to engage in a dialogue regarding the need to move forward with the AMIA case. The nature of this negotiation is in response to the provisions of the United Nations regarding the holding of meetings that lead to the signing of a treaty, which may remain confidential, even after the publication of the treaty in which those negotiations derive. .
14 See communications at www.cancillería.gob.ar.
Subsequently, through a joint communiqué on the meeting of the foreign ministers of the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran on 27 September 2012, under No. 313/12, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Héctor Timerman and Ali Akbar Salehi, accompanied by the Argentine Vice Foreign Minister and the Iranian Director General for American Affairs met at the United Nations headquarters in New York, and decided to continue negotiations through of the legal representatives of both ministries at the United Nations headquarters in Geneva, during the next month of October, with the purpose of exploring a legal mechanism that is not in contradiction with the legal systems of Argentina and Iran. In addition, they decided that this process will not be interrupted until an agreed solution is found for all the issues, between both governments, on the AMIA case.
Thus, on October 29, 2012 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship of our country announced that "Argentina and Iran will meet for the AMIA Cause", informing that the legal representatives appointed by The two States would hold a working meeting on the AMIA case the following day, under the terms agreed during the meeting of foreign ministers on September 27, 2012. As for the place where it would take place, it was stipulated that it would be at the United Nations headquarters. in Geneva, the Argentine delegation being chaired by the National Treasury Attorney, Dr. Angelina Abbona, accompanied by the Vice Chancellor, Dr. Eduardo Zuain and the Ambassador, Dr. Susana Ruiz Cerruti.15
Consequently, on October 31, 2012, through an official communication, the National Foreign Ministry informed that, after an informative session of the Argentine delegation with Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman, it was concluded that the results of the working meetings between the Argentine and Iranian states had
15See Information for the Press N° 353/12 of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship of the Nation.
been positive, in order to achieve the objectives proposed in New York. Thus, it was established that, in the following November, both delegations would present draft agreements, in accordance with what was stated at the United Nations. Likewise, Argentina ratified that its commitment is with the victims and the right to truth and justice on the part of their next of kin, with the consequent reparation, reaffirming that in the proposed objective there was no place for geopolitical interests, neither their own nor those of others.16
Advancing in the negotiations, on November 27 and 28, two new working sessions were held between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic State of Iran, in the city of Zurich, in search of a legal resolution of the AMIA case. Dr. Angelina Abbona and Dr. Eduardo Zuain were present for the Argentine delegation. In this meeting, different historical formulas used in situations similar to the AMIA case were analyzed, in accordance with national legislation.
In this way, it was decided that Argentina would present an action plan to be discussed in the next session, which would take place in January 2013. In this sense, it was indicated that the agreement would only be implemented as soon as it complies with our laws and be approved by the National Congress.17
Consequently, on January 3, 2013 the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Héctor Timerman and Ali Akbar Salehi, met in the city of Zurich, in order to continue with the negotiations
started.
It's
as well as, according to the
communiqué
No.
001/13 of
the
Argentine Foreign Ministry,
“the session
of
work on the terrorist attack perpetrated against
16See Information for the press N° 360/12 of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship of the Nation.
17 See Information for the press N° 391/12 of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Worship of the Nation.
the AMIA on July 18, 1994 was highly productive in advancing the judicial proceedings in the AMIA case”. Likewise, both foreign ministers agreed to meet again as soon as possible.
Finally, on January 27, 2013, in the city of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the meeting between Ministers of Foreign Affairs was held, which culminated in the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, closing the negotiation stage between both countries of the provisions of the agreement.
In that order, it should be noted that, in the case under examination, it could be affirmed that Argentina was in the prelude of an international treaty, since there are no doubts that the intention of both States was that the signed agreement have legal effects, both contracting parties being bound by it; that, likewise, it complied -prima facie- with all the elements set forth in the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties.
Thus, it should be noted that the "Memorandum of Understanding" between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran on issues related to the terrorist attack on the AMIA headquarters in Buenos Aires on July 18 of 1994" was entered into in writing, under the norms of International Law, signed, as its name indicates, between the States of Iran and Argentina, the
January 27, 2013, in the city of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, being signed by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Ali Akbar Salehi, for the Islamic Republic of Iran and Héctor Timerman, for the Argentine Republic. This treaty was signed in two copies, in Farsi, Spanish and English languages.
-anticipating that, in the event of a possible controversy, the English translation would govern-.
For its part, and as already highlighted ut supra, clause 6 of the aforementioned Memorandum expressly provides that the agreement signed by the signatories therein will be sent by both States to Congress
–or pertinent body-, for its ratification or approval, in accordance with its laws.
In this sense, on February 7, 2013 the former President of the Argentine Nation, Dr. Cristina Elisabet Fernández de Kirchner, submitted for consideration by the Honorable Congress of the Nation a bill with in order to approve the Memorandum of Understanding signed on January 27 of said year.
Consequently, on February 27, 2013 Law 26,843 was enacted, through which the National Congress approved the “Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran”, without modifications or reservations to the original project signed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Likewise, it was promulgated on February 28 and published in the Official Gazette on March 1 of that year.
Now, once the steps were completed by the Argentine Republic, both internationally (signature of the agreement) and internally (approval by the competent body, that is, the National Congress), the adherence on the part of the of the legislative body in the case of the Iranian State, as well as the subsequent exchange of verbal notes through the Foreign Ministry, so that the memorandum would be perfected and enter into force.
This did not happen because the Islamic Republic of Iran did not comply with the prerogatives set forth in article 6 of the agreement brought under study. Although the Memorandum entered the Iranian Parliament on March 10, 2013 for approval, it was never consummated.
In his case, the former President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Mahmud Ahmadinejad, signed the memorandum on May 19 of that year, due to Parliament's delay, in clear contradiction with the provisions of art. 6 of the agreement.
In this sense, Iran's charge d'affaires in Argentina, Ali Pakdaman, said that it was not necessary to have the approval of the text by the legislative body, since the President of the State of Iran had the power to, through his signature, consider the treaty ratified, which was contemplated in the same provisions of art. 6 of the memorandum.18
For its part, it cannot be ignored that the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, enacted in 1979, and amended in 1989, provides in its Principle 77 that “treaties, agreements, contracts and international agreements must be approved by the Islamic Consultative Assembly”.
It should be noted that I do not intend to carry out through this document a conventionality control of the Memorandum of Understanding in light of Iranian constitutional law, but it is pertinent to point out that, provided for the powers of approval by respective National Constitutions in charge of legislatures, and considering the nature that is attributed to the approval or adhesion of an agreement between States by Public International Law, it would not be logical to consider as valid a treaty that is signed by a representative of the Executive Power and approved by another representative of the same power.
Understanding that what is committed by signing these agreements in the international order is the sovereignty of nations, in order for an agreement to be in force between States, it is not only necessary to ratify it through the exchange of instruments or deposit from treaty to
18https://www.notimerica.com/politica/noticia-argentina-iran-ahmadineyad-firma-
argentina-agreement-investigate-attacks-against-amia-20130520173004.html
depository, but it is imperative that it be signed by a legislative body -or pertinent one-, which attests to the sovereign will of the State to commit to the scope set forth therein.
In this sense, linked to the lack of intervention of two State powers in the signing of an international agreement, under the mere will of the Executive to be bound, we would not be facing a treaty in accordance with the prescriptions of International Law, from which legal consequences derive for the parties, but in a case of expression of wills, whose implications are reflected only in the political order, and whose commitment is not enforceable for the States. u>
Now, another point to consider is the statements made by Iran's charge d'affaires in Argentina, Ali Pakdaman, and the possibility of a unilateral declaration with legal effects in light of the law. International.
This is how this is a topic of discussion, because there is no general and mandatory regulation regarding unilateral acts (contrary to what happens with international treaties), so it cannot be affirmed that there is a regime general law applicable to this type of act.
However, according to the Report of the Working Group on unilateral acts of States of the International Law Commission of the United Nations General Assembly, of August 11, 2006, the Guiding Principles were established, with respect to these acts of International Law, which can be defined as "a unilateral declaration formulated by a State, with the intention of producing certain legal effects, under international law".
As for the subjects empowered to make this type of statement, according to Principle No. 4 they are the Head of State, the Head of Government and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Likewise, it considered other persons who represent the State in specific spheres, which could be authorized in matters within their competence.
In line with the guiding principles, we could understand that we are dealing with an authorized person, since the Iranian charge d'affaires is a senior diplomatic figure in the country, for which reason he represents, in the usual framework of his powers, the Islamic State of Iran, and negotiates on its behalf.
Now, in this line, it is necessary to evaluate the reaction of the Argentine State regarding the statements made by the Iranian diplomatic official, since the aforementioned Report of the International Law Commission provides in its Principle No. 3 that for If legal consequences derive from this type of act, it is necessary to take into account their content, the factual circumstances in which they occurred and the reactions they aroused.
Thus, on September 24, 2013, in his
keynote speech
68th General Assembly
of
United Nations, Cristina
Elisabet Fernandez
of
Kirchner, in her role as Chief
of State, held in
his
discourse that, having elapsed a prudential time, since Argentina had already approved the agreement, it was the counterpart's turn to do the same.
From this, it can be inferred, then, that for the Argentine Republic the agreement was not found approved in the case of the Iranian counterpart, under the mandate of the memorandum itself. In other words, given the possibility of accepting its content, by virtue of the statements of the diplomat Ali Pakdaman, Argentina could have understood that Iran was bound internally and, given that case, propose
that progress be made with the exchange of notes, in order to ratify the treaty and that it enter into force.
However, from the statement by the former president at the time of the 68th General Assembly of the United Nations, a unilateral act communicated to the international community (without a doubt from its publicity) can be seen, with the effect to give the Memorandum of Understanding as not agreed internally .
On the other hand, it is worth noting that the statement by the Iranian charge d'affaires constitutes a clear violation of art. 27 of the Vienna Convention, since a circumstance of internal law has been alleged to violate the stipulations expressly provided in the treaty.
Thus, from the attitude adopted by Iranian officials after the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, it can be understood that they give it a kind of mixed legal nature, since, beyond complying with the formalities required at the time of the negotiation, the truth is that it is not noticed that the Islamic State of Iran has effectively sought to commit itself to promoting the efforts to clarify the truth and collaboration with the administration of justice in relation to the events related to the AMIA attack, as it appears of the spirit of the agreement expressed in the letter of the memorandum, but, after signing the aforementioned agreement, it has taken a dissuasive position against its ratification, signing its approval by the Executive Power, to the detriment of what was agreed and signed through the treaty .
Likewise, and in the understanding that the signing of an international treaty is an act of sovereignty proper to a State, where, in turn, part of that same sovereignty is renounced or compromised by which it is bound by virtue of this agreement concluded, a verbal statement by a public official would not suffice to understand the clauses modified
basic aspects of the pact, especially when the written letter of that particular treaty stipulates a specific procedure for completion and entry into force.
In this situation, there could be doubts in the case of a verbal agreement, or under the modality in which there are no certainties about the consent (or not) given by the parties. However, in the case brought to study before this Oral Court, I understand that the meaning and scope that the contracting parties wanted to give to the contract is perfectly typified signed agreement (written treaty to be accepted by the respective Legislative Powers), and the case is not configured in a supposed legal loophole of International Law.
Additionally, the Vienna Convention leaves no room for doubt, as it establishes that "a party may not invoke the provisions of its internal law as justification for non-compliance with a treaty" (cf. art. 27 C.V), therefore, a presumed attribution to impose over what is provided in the letter of the agreement cannot be alleged. I understand, in this sense, that such a violation justifies the power of the other party to denounce that treaty.
At this point, it is worth noting that the Vienna Convention was signed on May 23, 1969 by both the Islamic State of Iran and the Argentine Republic. However, the Argentine State has ratified it on December 5, 1972, this not being the case of the Iranian State, since it has not done so, therefore, it has not entered into force in that country19.
Notwithstanding this, it is important to highlight that, although the provisions of the aforementioned Convention do not apply to the Iranian counterpart, it has signed the Memorandum of Understanding with our country, expressing its willingness to be bound by it.
19See the status of the signatory states at http://treaties.un.org.
By virtue of this, despite the fact that the Vienna Convention is not in force for Iran, it would be bound by the provision contained in art. 18 of the aforementioned pact, by which the States will refrain from acts by virtue of which the object and purpose of the treaty are frustrated, if it has signed it, or has exchanged instruments that constitute it subject to ratification, acceptance or approval- as long as he has not expressed his intention not to become part of it.
Thus, the aforementioned art. 18 accepts a general principle of law, called pacta sunt servanda, which means that "what is agreed obliges", and that the agreements were made to be fulfilled in good faith. This principle, as is well known, constitutes international customary law, so, despite the fact that the provisions of the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties cannot be required by themselves to the Iranian State, it must comply with them, by virtue of the general principle of International Law.
The International Court of Justice has already postulated it in this way, in the matter of United States diplomatic personnel in Tehran (1980), an opportunity in which it affirmed that the obligations incumbent on Iran in terms of diplomatic and consular relations, Not only were they of a conventional nature, derived from its status as a State party to the 1961 and 1963 Conventions, but they corresponded to it as obligations of general International Law (double nature of the general norms, see in this sense Military and paramilitary activities in and against Nicaragua, ICJ, 1986; Armed activities on the territory of the Congo, ICJ, 2006; and Application of the Convention for the Prevention and Repression of the crime of genocide, ICJ, 1996).
For the arguments expressed, it is necessary to indicate that the inapplicability in relation to the Islamic State of Iran of the aforementioned Convention does not
implies that norms similar to those included therein, originating from international custom, are not applicable, since the State is obliged to comply with international customary law, unless it can prove a constant and permanent opposition to the practices considered obligatory for International Law.
Iranian:
This is how, it is possible to carry out an analysis
on the situation in which the Argentine Republic found itself after the events detailed here.
At this point, I will have to maintain that, given the circumstances of the agreement signed between the contracting parties (which, as already mentioned, was in a second stage in the case of Argentina, once the text of the Memorandum was approved, and in a first instance for Iran, since it had closed the negotiation with the signing of the pact, but without subsequent approval or ratification), it was up to the Argentine Republic to decide on the matter, if it considered that the declaration of the President of Iran had legal significance and opened a new stage in the negotiation between the States, with a subsequent signing of another agreement that formed –or not– part of the memorandum, or if it decided to stick to the strict letter of what was agreed on January 27, 2013 between both signatory States, in their art. 6.
This is how, in this regard, there was no exchange of instruments by the Foreign Ministries, considering the Memorandum ratified and urging its entry into force, nor were there statements made by the Argentine Ministry of Foreign Affairs acknowledging its full validity, but quite the opposite.
In that line, on May 21, 2013, the Argentine Foreign Ministry reported, through communication No. 110/13, that it had not yet received a formal notification from the authorities of the Islamic Republic of
Iran on the approval of the Memorandum of Understanding. In this sense, it maintained that when this notification was received through the official channels of the Argentine and Iranian Foreign Ministries, the exchange of notes verbales could be carried out, in order to put the signed agreement into operation, as it was explained in its art. 6.
Days later, on May 30, 2013, through press release 122/13, the Foreign Ministry published that Minister Timerman had met with the Secretary General of Interpol, Ronald Noble, and with high authorities of this body, at the headquarters of Lyon, France. There, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs officially announced Argentina's compliance with the legal steps of domestic law in order to proceed with the implementation of the agreement with Iran, and that the Argentine government was waiting for the Iranian counterpart to will communicate its own.
Given this, Noble reaffirmed the terms used by the General Counsel of Interpol in a letter dated March 15, 2013, by means of which it was established that the memorandum did not affect in any way the status of the red alerts issued by that body, at the request of the Argentine Republic. Likewise, he reiterated his commitment to the Agreement and offered to develop diplomatic efforts between both countries, in order to finalize its implementation.
Under these conditions, Foreign Minister Timerman promised that the Argentine authorities put the memorandum into operation immediately after receiving the official notification from the Iranian government, announcing the approval of the signed agreement.
Stressing once again that the approach that I am taking here is from the perspective of Public International Law, it is possible to consider the possibilities that
they presented Argentina, faced with this situation, before the counterpart State.
In that order, and given the lack of response from the Iranian government in the application of the mechanisms provided in the Memorandum, the Argentine government could have applied retaliatory measures -which are tools of International Law, of a political nature-, in order to guarantee the ratification of the agreement; it could have proceeded to denounce the international treaty, since the Republic of Iran had frustrated the object of the Memorandum, by diverting the internal procedures aimed at its ratification; or, in the event that it considers that the signature of the President of Iran was sufficient reason to consider the agreement ratified, to proceed to the exchange of notes, considering the Memorandum of Understanding ratified, and its entry into force effective.
As already mentioned above, the former president of the Nation, at the 68th General Assembly of the United Nations, maintained that Argentina had completed the pertinent steps for the approval of the Memorandum, while Iran had not done the same. Therefore, it was not in force for any of the contracting States.
This is how, in 2014, Argentina requested that the problem of the AMIA case be incorporated into the negotiations with Iran, within the framework of the negotiations between the United States, Iran, France, China, Russia, the United Kingdom and Germany, regarding Iranian nuclear development. Thus, through communiqué No. 006/14 from the Argentine Foreign Ministry, it was indicated that the country would continue to fight for the issue to be dealt with in future rounds. For his part, he stressed that the Argentine government was waiting for the Islamic Republic of Iran to resolve the pending issues that would allow the authorities to
Argentine courts move forward with the essential procedural steps.
Subsequently, and before the resolution of May 15, 2014 of Chamber I of the National Court of Appeals in Federal Criminal and Correctional Matters that declared the unconstitutionality of Law 26,843, the Ministers of Foreign Relations and of Justice – Héctor Timerman and Julio Alak, respectively-, gave a press conference20 where Minister Timerman said: “we are currently negotiating with the Islamic Republic of Iran the conditions to implement the memorandum”, and assured that “the ruling of the two judges violates the Vienna Convention, which regulates all international relations, because the Vienna Convention obliges States not to frustrate a treaty that they have signed and has not yet entered into force. In other words, with this ruling, we are violating the Vienna Convention”.
He also added that they had notified the Iranian government of the Argentine decision to appeal the ruling and, if necessary, reach the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation.
For his part, he maintained that, given the new factual platform with the incipient declaration of unconstitutionality by the aforementioned Court, Argentine justice was at the mercy of the generosity of Tehran so that Argentine judges could move there, for the purposes of that the defendants give an investigative statement.
In this sense, he remarked that, for judges to travel, there must be a judicial cooperation treaty and there is not, since with its unconstitutionality the fastest way for the judge to receive the inquiries had been closed.
Finally, the Argentine Foreign Minister said that a “road map” (sic) was being negotiated with the Islamic Republic of Iran “that goes from the first point to the last in a short period of time that can be
20 See Casa Rosada Archive, Thursday, May 15, 2014, available at www.casarosada.gob.ar.
carry out all those steps, one of which was -and we made the axis- the journey of the judge -alluding to Dr. Canicoba Corral-, from which the Commission of International Experts shot forward and backwards, the concussions. That proposal that Argentina made to the Islamic Republic of Iran two months ago, we were waiting for a response from them that has not yet arrived and that surely after this ruling will not need to arrive either ”.
In this state of affairs, it is necessary to make some clarifications. The Memorandum of Understanding cannot be considered "ratified" without having complied with the procedures stipulated therein. Likewise, since the exchange of notes specified in art. 6 of the agreement, it cannot be understood that the treaty was in force at the moment, so what Mr. Chancellor stated is nothing more than the expression of the political will of the moment, to advance in the negotiations and complete the necessary steps of the memorandum for its validity.
This will is evidenced by the statements of the ex-chancellor, Héctor Timerman, at the time of giving an investigative statement, to fs. 7875/7881 vta., opportunity in which he stated that "there is an issue that needs to be explained and that is that Argentina cannot judge in absentia and the Republic of Iran, since the time of the Shah of Persia, prohibits the extradition of its citizens, This is a problem that had to be solved, since we could not judge in absentia and they could extradite their citizens. In order for Argentine justice to advance, it is necessary to take the necessary investigation to advance the legal case. I read that an Argentine judge could travel to another country to investigate and that the judge in the case expressed his willingness to do so.
For his part, regarding the red alerts due to the signing of the memorandum, he declared that they were not at risk either, “since they can only be canceled by the judge of the case or the Interpol Assembly. After five years of signing the Memorandum, the red alerts are still valid. The only time the issued alerts fell was due to the corruption of the Argentine judge Galeano. I never negotiated the red alerts, nor commercial agreements, nor any other type of agreement, I only negotiated the way that the Argentine judge could advance in the investigation of the AMIA case. For this, I had the support of Interpol's legal advisor that the red alerts were not going to fall, so I felt calmer. Everything that is imputed to me is false.
Thus, and regarding the signing of this agreement in particular, Mr. Timerman said that "in 2012 the Memorandum was signed through which we managed to get the Islamic Republic of Iran to sit down to negotiate a peaceful solution to the controversy , as indicated by the United Nations, without adding any other issue that is specifically the access of Argentine justice and Iran's cooperation in this regard.
Notwithstanding the foregoing, from the statements made, it is understood that what he is trying to do is give a legal value to that particular political agreement. And this way, it corresponds to give entity to the criterion evidenced by the then Argentine foreign minister, since, in the light of International Law, Argentina could have urged the dispute resolution mechanism of art. 9, through the remittance of notes between Foreign Ministries –which results in a political solution to a legal problem and, therefore, insufficient-; could, for its part, have denounced the agreement signed with the Iranian State for having produced a serious violation of it, since the counterpart frustrated the object of the treaty, which is a flagrant violation of the
principle pacta sunt servanda, and finally, it could have initiated a countermeasure, which could have resulted in retaliatory measures, closing diplomatic channels or ending negotiations of interest to the Iranian State, at the request of reaching a solution benevolent for both parties.
In turn, it is evident that none of these paths was advocated by the Argentine Foreign Minister, since from his statements it can be inferred that diplomatic relations were still ongoing with the State of Iran.
In the Iranian case, the nature attached unilaterally to the signed pact is also evident, since, once again, there was no statement regarding the legal consequences that a declaration of unconstitutionality could impart to the aforementioned agreement. In other words, once the decision was handed down by Chamber I of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber, the execution of the Memorandum could be understood to have been effectively suspended (under the assumption that both parties considered it valid). Thus, before a possible confirmation of the indicated resolution, the purpose of the treaty would be frustrated. However, during the intermediate time, the clauses of the aforementioned memorandum could not be applied either.
Given this, there is a clear possibility for the contracting State to denounce its counterpart, under the terms of art. 18 of the Vienna Convention (which, as I have already mentioned, is applicable to the Argentine Republic).
In this sense, the Islamic State of Iran did not attempt any action against the Argentine Republic, nor was the treaty denounced, despite its non-validity. From the foregoing, I can only deduce that the State of Iran would have attributed a political nature to the aforementioned agreement.
In conclusion, I understand that the course of the negotiations, agreements and disagreements between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic State of Iran has
various edges. From a perspective of the foreign policy promoted by both States, it is necessary to emphasize that, under the prescriptions of International Law, and in accordance with the inveterate criteria of the International Court of Justice, the negotiation must be carried out in accordance with the principle in good faith (Nuclear Tests, ICJ, 1974).
In this sense, I emphasize that the obligation of reciprocal trust of cooperation to reach an agreement, the special predisposition to understand the interests of others, derives from the existence of an agreement of contraindication or negotiating (Case of the Continental Platform of the Sea of North, ICJ, 1969). If the principle of good faith is one of the fundamental principles that govern the creation and execution of legal obligations, it is not in itself a source of obligations when they have no other basis (Case of the Land and sea border between Cameroon and Nigeria, exc. Prel, ICJ, 1998).
In essence, not only compliance in good faith prevails in an agreement between parties, but commitments are assumed in writing, to which the State understands itself bound and which reinforce that idea, especially in application of the principle of pacta sunt servanda.
Now, having signed the agreement under the mandates of International Law, and without major objections in this regard, I pass the analysis to the question of internal law. And thus, internal legal systems can reduce the freedom of form of International Law for various reasons, among them, the intervention of the legislative power in the conclusion of treaties or the requirement that the expression of consent emanates from the highest authority of the states.
Nevertheless, the limited provision of ways to express consent that is noted in
Constitutional texts or internal legal systems, as occurs in the Latin American republics or in Spain, should not necessarily be interpreted as a prohibition of the omitted forms, provided that they are compatible with the purposes that encourage the mention of those.21
Regarding the improvement, the formative iter of a treaty can only be considered culminated when the consent of the subject to be bound is recorded at the international level. The entry into force will then be the moment in which a treaty becomes binding for the (now) parties, acquires full legal effectiveness and is applicable under the terms provided by it (art. 24 C.V.).
Thus, art. 24 hp provides that the treaty will enter into force when the parties so stipulate in their provisions, or in a separate, simultaneous or subsequent agreement. If there is no express rule, the residual of the Vienna Convention applies, which is "as soon as there is evidence of the consent of all the negotiating States to be bound by the treaty."
In the case study, its entry into force was perfectly stipulated, therefore, there was no doubt that it would be “after the exchange of the last verbal note informing that the internal requirements for its approval or ratification have been fulfilled” assuming this never happened. It is necessary to clarify that its provisional application was not provided for either (cf. art. 25 of the Vienna Convention).
For its part, regarding the content of the agreement between the two States, and given the need to formalize the greatest number of acts subsequent to this first agreement, it can be noted that the Memorandum of Understanding was a kind of preliminary cooperation agreement, which needed to have subsequent negotiations and clarifications; and, in light of the fact that those provisions are not left to
21 See Treaty of International Law, Antonio Remiro Brotons, year 2010, p. 369.
discretion of the parties, it clearly appears that the signing of this memorandum necessarily led to the signing of subsequent agreements that were not carried out, and that, therefore, the intended validity attached to this agreement could not be sufficiently solid how to run.
This is how, on the other hand, despite the efforts made in the negotiations and subsequent attitudes on the part of the Argentine foreign minister –after signing the memorandum– when it was not made viable, the international order did not seek measures either, in order to contribute to the approval of the signed text.
Consequently, at the end of the ratification process, the States parties are expected to register the signed treaty with the Secretary of the United Nations. Although this step is not a condition of its validity, it must be completed, in order to be able to invoke it later before United Nations bodies. Finally, it is your publication.
These steps, naturally, were not completed by the States of Argentina and Iran, since the negotiations culminated in the signing of the treaty, but not in its subsequent ratification at the international level.
As indicated by Foreign Minister Timerman himself at the time of his investigative statement, on fs. 7838 of the present proceedings, in which it maintained that "beyond the national interests that each country has as its objective when it sits down at a negotiating table, the truth is that the only valid thing is the Agreement that is signed and registered in United Nations after the formal exchange of notes”.
Regarding the cases of international responsibility that could be alleged in terms of non-compliance with a treaty, I must clarify that these do not find support in the present proceedings, since in order to speak of responsibility
international we must speak of breach of an agreement in force and in the case under study that was not what happened.
For its part, and in the case of denouncing a treaty for defects in its formation, we must face a State for which the Vienna Convention is in full force, which is not the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Thus, international treaties will be those that give rise to legal rights and obligations, differentiating themselves from other types of agreements. Likewise, only the observance of the treaties is enforceable through diplomatic channels, implying its non-compliance with an illegal act of consequent international responsibility. For their part, only treaties are the object of a particular constitutional regime that supposes the legally relevant participation of the legislative Chambers in the conclusion of many of them, and eventually, of a judicial control of constitutionality.
In that order, the purpose of parliamentary authorization of certain treaties is to prevent the government from assuming by itself, on behalf of the State, legal obligations whose compliance may be demanded internationally by other parties. This is not the case of non-regulatory agreements.
Finally, it is necessary to highlight that, when we find ourselves before a Memorandum that has remained in the political order, without being perfected, I understand that said negotiations and agreements are consistent with a government agenda and the bilateral relations that are carried out at the moment , considering that these may be modified in the face of a possible change of circumstances or leadership, since it is the responsibility of the Executive Power of the State to carry out diplomatic relations with other countries and enter into agreements with them.
Consequently, it is only possible to give the "Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran" the name it deserves: an agreement of political wills signed between States, under the prescriptions of the International Law, not perfected and, therefore, devoid of legal effects, because its clauses have not entered into force.
VI.1. Preliminary considerations:
That, the private defense attorneys of Angelina Abbona, Andrés Larroque, Carlos Zannini, Juan Martín Mena, and Oscar Parrilli, opportunely made the respective requests for the exception of lack of action due to atypicality - non-existence of crime, to which the remaining defense attorneys adhered , in the framework of this incidence.
That said, within the framework of the oral and public hearings, specifically the one held on September 1 of this year, the intervening Attorney General's Office led by Dr. Marcelo Colombo, as well as the complaint represented by Dr. Farini Duggan, requested the rejection of the proposals articulated by the intervening defenses.
In the case of the plaintiff, it made the reservation to go before the cassatory instance and the federal case (cf. art. 14 of law 48).
In effect, the technical assistance staff, as well as Ms. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Messrs. Carlos Zannini, Juan Martín Mena and Eduardo Zuain, have exposed the underlying issue, a circumstance that allows us to assert that it exists here Negative certainty, in that the people involved in this process did not commit any crime or, in other words, there is no evidence that they have behaved with legal relevance -criminal, from the perspective of the analytical theory of crime. Thence
that, the substantiation of the oral and public debate, in this particular case, is manifestly unnecessary and that is why such proposals must have a favorable reception.
On the one hand, it should be noted that the opinion of opposition prepared by Mr. Attorney General, Dr. Marcelo Colombo, complies with the precautions of logic and foundation, without prejudice to which, I will have to disagree with the solution proposed therein.
That being said, I must point out that this Court
-although with a different integration- through resolutions dated 08/22/2018 and 09/7/2018, rejected in limine the proposals for the exception of lack of action formulated by Dr. Eduardo Barcesat and by Dr. Lucila Larrandart22 and, for these reasons, for the intervening Attorney General's Office, this constituted an impediment to address the issues that we are summoned here.
In light of this, preliminarily, it is necessary to make a transcription of the aforementioned instrument, from which the following arises:
“Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran on issues related to the terrorist attack on the AMIA headquarters in Buenos Aires on July 18, 1994.< /b>
1. Establishment of the Commission
A Truth Commission made up of international jurists will be created to analyze all the documentation presented by the judicial authorities of Argentina and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Commission will be composed of five (5) commissioners and two (2) members designated by each country, selected according to their recognized international legal prestige. These may not be nationals of either of the two countries. Both countries will jointly agree on an international jurist with high moral standards and legal prestige, who will act as president of the Commission.
2. Rules of Procedure
22See fs. 10041/56, 10247/49, 10199/210 and 10277/80 of the principal.
After consulting the parties, the Commission will establish its rules of procedure that will be approved by the parties.
3. Exchange of Information
Once the Commission has been established, the authorities of Iran and Argentina will forward to each other and to the Commission the evidence and information in their possession about the AMIA case. The commissioners will conduct a detailed review of the evidence relating to each of the defendants; the Commission may consult the parties in order to complete the information.
4. Commission report
After having analyzed the information received from both parties and consulted with the parties and individuals, the Commission will express its vision and issue a report with recommendations on how to proceed with the case within the framework of the law and regulations of both parties. . Both parties will take these recommendations into account in their future actions.
5. Audience
The Commission and the Argentine and Iranian judicial authorities will meet in Tehran to proceed to question those persons for whom Interpol has issued a red notice.
The Commission will have the authority to ask questions to the representatives of each party. Each party has the right to give explanations or present new documentation during the meetings.
6. Entry into force
This agreement will be submitted to the relevant bodies of each country, be they Congress, Parliament or other bodies, for their ratification or approval in accordance with their laws.
This agreement will enter into force after the exchange of the last verbal note informing that the internal requirements for its approval or ratification have been fulfilled.
7. Interpol
This agreement, after being signed, will be submitted jointly by both foreign ministers to the Secretary General of Interpol in compliance with the requirements demanded by Interpol in relation to this case.
8. Basic Rights
Nothing in this agreement will jeopardize the rights of individuals, guaranteed by law.
9. Dispute resolution
Any controversy regarding the implementation or interpretation of this agreement will be resolved through consultations between both parties.
Signed on January 27, 2013 in the city of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in two copies, in the Farsi languages,
Spanish and English. In the event of a dispute over implementation, the English text will prevail." (text), signed by the Islamic Republic of Iran Ali Akbar Salehi Minister of Foreign Affairs. For the Argentine Republic Héctor Timerman Minister of Foreign Affairs and Worship –the highlighted corresponds to the original-.
That, through the enactment of Law 26,843, the National Congress approved said agreement in use of the powers conferred by article 75, paragraph 22, of the National Constitution.
Subsequently, the Room I of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber of this city, on 05/15/2014, through a sentence that is SIGNED, in what matters here it resolved the following:
“…1°) GIVE PLACE TO THE ACTION FOR AMPARO filed and, consequently, DECLARE UNCONSTITUTIONAL THE MEMORANDUM OF
UNDERSTANDING between the Government of the Argentine Republic and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran on issues related to the terrorist attack at the AMIA headquarters in Buenos Aires on July 18, 1994 AND LAW 26,843 that approved it. ”.
“2nd) ORDER preventively, by virtue of the precautionary measures requested by the incident parties (conf. fs. 1/55 and 568/587), COMMUNICATE what is resolved here to the National Executive Power (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship) so that the execution of the Memorandum of Understanding approved by Law 26,843 does not begin while the possible recursive means that can be deducted against this (Articles 195, 204 and 232 and ccdtes. CPCCN).
“3°) ORDER the First Instance Judge that:
a) Reiterate through diplomatic channels to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in a single, precise and detailed request, the requests for extradition and judicial cooperation that were formulated throughout the process of the case and that they are pending."
“b) Insist Interpol so that, based on the evidence gathered to date and the characterization of the act as a crime against humanity, it re-evaluates the request for red diffusion of the arrests since requests regarding Ali Rafsanjani, Ali Akbar Velayati, and Hadi Soleimanpour.”
“c) Require also Interpol to make extreme efforts and resources to find out the whereabouts of the defendants and make effective the arrests ordered in the case, beyond what
implies its mere annotation and/or dissemination.”23 (textual), the emphasis corresponds to the original text.
In view of the foregoing, for the purpose of clearing up the treatment of the substantive issue brought to study, it should be noted that more than six years from the beginning of this investigation, it is decisive for issuing a pronouncement It is clear that the Memorandum never came into force, as explained in section V.2.f. Consequently, the implementation of the “Truth Commission” never materialized.
That, the execution of said Memorandum between both countries constitutes, in the case under discussion, a non-justiciable political matter.
Another issue that I will have to address is that the red alerts or notices or indices, were never raised and/or annulled by Interpol, regarding the Iranian fugitives, since the said A decision could only be taken by the Argentine Federal Judge involved in the process of the attack on the AMIA headquarters, at that time Judge Canicoba Corral.
In this line of ideas, it should be noted that from the records of the case it can be deduced that there was no interference by any of the National Executive Power in the National Judiciary, regarding the course of the criminal investigation known as "AMIA" by the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 6 -Secretariat No. 11- of this city (Annex "AMIA") and the AMIA Fiscal Unit, conducted until January year 2015 by the late Attorney General, Dr. Alberto Nisman.
In this vein, one of the prosecution's hypotheses was that the underlying issue of the Memorandum was to recompose the commercial relationship between Argentina and Iran. Indeed, the truth is that this did not happen, since the reports issued by the
23 CCCFed., Room I, Case CFP 3184/2013/CA1, labeled "AMIA s/ Amparo - Law 16.986" of the registry of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court no. 6, Secretariat no. 11, of this city, Rt. on 05/15/2014.
competent authorities, incorporated into the principal, rule out said criminal hypothesis.
Likewise, one of the evidence that allowed the reopening of the case with the ruling handed down by Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, on 12/29/2016 was the recording of the conversation between the former Argentine Chancellor Timerman and the then President of the community entity Guillermo Israel Marcos Borger. However, said element is, to say the least, of dubious provenance legal. Notwithstanding the foregoing, said recording per se does not show any criminal conduct, whether analyzed in isolation or as an integral part of the rest of the body of evidence.
Lastly, both the content and the transcripts of the wiretaps, based on a "comprehensive" and not biased analysis, as can be seen from certain extracts from the complaint filed by the Prosecutor who initiated this process or from the Requirement for Elevation to Judgment formulated by the Federal Prosecutor of the previous instance, cannot be considered as incriminating elements, since the protagonists of these wiretaps are the defendants Khalil, Esteche, Bogado and D'Elia, whose motivation seemed to be based on aspects of personal benefit, and even pretending to have contacts and/or influences with public officials of the National Executive Power that, in reality, they did not have.
In other words, the content of said wiretaps cannot be given an entity such as to position those named in the design of the proposed criminal plan, since their conversations have dealt with personal circumstances, related to particular businesses, which under no circumstances of view they could have incidence and relevance in Argentine foreign policy. This without even considering the insignificant probative validity that said transcripts could have.
Preliminarily, the CFP case no. the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 4
-Secretariat No. 8- of this city, within the framework of case No. 3446/2012, titled "Velazco, Carlos Alfredo and others regarding abuse of authority and violation of the duties of a public official" of that record.
That, when the complaint was filed during the course of the judicial fair of January 2015, the Federal Judge, Dr. María R. Servini, did not authorize it, since the complainant Prosecutor did not accompany the evidence corresponding to the presentation made .
Once the evidence mentioned in the complaint filed by the Prosecutor, Dr. Nisman, was received, the Federal Judge, Dr. Ariel Lijo, in his capacity as Head of Federal Court No. 4, declared himself incompetent to hear this process. After passing through the Draw Office of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber of this city, he was released to intervene in the Federal Criminal and Correctional National Court No. 3
-Secretariat No. 5- of this city.
In view of a situation of competition between Federal Court No. 3 and No. 4, the Federal Court of Appeals of this city ordered that the investigation be carried out by Federal Court No. 3 of this city.
For his part, Dr. Gerardo Pollicita, Head of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Prosecutor No. 11 of this city, formulated the respective investigation requirement.
Likewise, Judge Rafecas, by means of a decision dated 02/26/2015 (see fs. 465/500 of the principal), resolved, in what matters here, the following:
“… I- Dismiss the complaint that started this file for the non-existence of a crime (art. 180, third paragraph, of the C.P.P.N.). II- Submit testimonies of the pertinent parts of this file and of the transcript of the wiretaps
Telephone numbers reserved in the Registry of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court no. /2014, within the framework of which Ramón Allan Héctor Bogado is being investigated for the alleged commission of crimes of public action.” (textual), the emphasis corresponds to the original.
For its part, after the appeal filed by Prosecutor Pollicita, Chamber I of the National Court of Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals of this city, dated 03/26/2015 (see fs. 762/ 800), by majority, resolved:
“…CONFIRM device points I and II of the resolution of fs. 465/99, while rejecting the complaint that gave rise to this file due to the non-existence of a crime (art. 180 of the National Criminal Procedure Code), and ordering to submit testimonies of the pertinent parts of the summary, and of the reserved documentation, to Federal Court No. 9, Secretariat No. 18, for its incorporation into case no. 11,503/14 of the registry of that Court.” (textual), the emphasis added in the original.
That, before the appeal filed by Mr. Chamber Prosecutor, Dr. Germán Moldes, Mr. Cassation Prosecutor, Dr. Javier Augusto De Luca, by opinion dated 04/20/2015 (see fs 863/76 of the principal) withstood the appeal filed by the first of those named. For this reason, on fs. 878/79, Room I of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation, on 05/12/2015, resolved to take account of the DESISTANCE formulated.
In this order of ideas, to fs. 1021 of the principal, the head of the Federal Court No. 3 of this city, by order of 06/3/2015 complied with the extraction of testimonies ordered regarding Bogado and, finally, archived the file. In a similar way, see order of 10/22/2015 of the previous stage of fs. 3299 of the principal.
A fs. 3335 by means of an order dated 03/10/2016, the mentioned magistrate did not accept the request to reopen case no. 777/15 formulated by Prosecutor Pollicita. Similarly, by means of an order dated 03/31/2016, Dr. Rafecas maintained that what was requested by the Prosecutor did not affect what was decided by
past 03/10/2016 (see fs. 3340, points I/III of the main one).
With this walking foot, fs. 3415/25 through a decision dated 08/05/2016 issued by the then head of Federal Court No. 3, before the presentation made by the DAIA aimed at achieving the reopening of the file, which the intervening Magistrate issued for the refusal and it did not have the DAIA as a complaining party.
After that, the question of the recursive path is renewed. The pronouncement detailed in the previous paragraph was appealed by the Prosecutor Pollicita and by the DAIA as plaintiff (see pages 3433/44 and pages 3445/53, respectively).
Shows off fs. 3501/16 dated 09/27/2016, that Room I of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber of this city, confirmed the decision adopted by the investigating judge. Said resolution was appealed in cassation.
With the opinions of fs. 3597/3607, 3810/15 and 3958/60 the General Prosecutor, Dr. De Luca withdrew from the cassation appeal filed by the Prosecutor, Dr. Moldes and ruled on the deducted appeal for the DAIA.
Finally, to fs. 3984/4113 dated 12/29/2016, Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, made up of Chamber Judge, Dr. Ana María Figueroa and Chamber Judges, Mariano H. Borinsky and Gustavo M. Hornos, resolved the following:
“…MAKE PLACE to the appeal of the claimant complainant Delegation of Argentine Israeli Associations (D.A.I.A.); MARRIAGE and REVOKE the resolution of fs. 3501/3516 round. and those that precede it; HAVE AS COMPLAINT PARTY to the
D.A.I.A. and, by majority, to consider that the treatment of the withdrawal of the appeal of the Public Prosecutor's Office postulated by the General Prosecutor of Cassation, Dr. Javier Augusto De Luca, is inofficious; RELEASE the dismissal of the complaint established in the case file and, in order to guarantee the impartiality of the judge, REMOVE the National Criminal and Federal Correctional Judge acting as well
also to the magistrates who are members of Chamber I of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals Chamber who validated the dismissal of the complaint and SEND the proceedings to the a quo to take note of what is resolved here and so that a new judge, by means of a random lottery, continues with the proceedings with the speed that the case requires. KEEP IN MIND the reservations in the federal case raised by the defenses. Without costs in the instance (arts. 18 of the C.N. and 172, second paragraph, 173, 470, 530 and 531 of the C.P.P.N.).” (textual), the emphasis corresponds to the original.
That, by virtue of what was resolved in the cassatory instance, the Head of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 4, Secretariat No. 8 of this city was appointed to intervene, who delegated the case to Mr. Prosecutor intervener (see fs. 4131, points I/V of the principal).
So far the proceedings in case no. 777/15.
As can be seen, Judge Rafecas repeatedly considered that the facts denounced by Prosecutor Nisman did not constitute a crime.
In the same way, Chamber I of the Federal Court of Appeals on two occasions and Mr. Cassation Prosecutor, Dr. De Luca on two occasions, agreed with the criteria of Judge Rafecas, as well as with the solution release of the Judges of the Federal Court of Appeals, which were detailed "ut-supra".
That, contemporaneously with all this procedure that corresponds to file CFP no. 777/15, that is to say that the case CFP no. /concealment”, in
by virtue of
the complaint
carried out by Santiago Nicolás
Dupuy de
Lome (see
body XXXI of performances).
This case was filed before the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court no. 11, Secretariat no. 21 of this city, in charge of Judge Bonadío.
For its part, case no. 14.305/15 was joined by CFP no. no.
23, of this city in charge of the Federal Judge, Dr. Sergio Torres, due to the complaint made by José Lucas Magioncalda (see body XXXI of the main proceedings).
Well, all these processes, by resolution of the National Chamber of Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals of this city of fs. 5465/66 were processed unified in a single process before Federal Court No. 11, Secretariat No. 21, of this city.
Based on the above, it is worth addressing one of the many issues noted in advance that allows me to assert the absence of crime in these proceedings.
In a preliminary way, I must delve into the analysis of non-justiciable political issues.
On this point, I cannot fail to point out that all of the private defenses involved throughout this process categorically emphasized that the decision of the Memorandum is enrolled in what is known in legal science and particularly in constitutional law , as “non-justiciable political issues”.
In this regard, as it is an authoritative argument, it is worth remembering the ruling issued on 04/13/2021 by Chamber I of the Federal Criminal Cassation Chamber, in the case publicly known as "Dollar Futuro". There, it was established that:
“…In the development of the present it will appear as necessary to review the theoretical bases for the precise delimitation between the sphere of competence of the jurisdictional power to the investigation of the illegal actions denounced and their judgment, and the distinction of that area with that other in which it is forbidden to do so by empire of the republican system of government.” -the highlighted and underlined added here.
concerns the powers inherent to the Executive and Legislative Departments of the Nation and constitutes, then, a political issue whose success or failure is excluded from jurisdictional control, at least from that which is the responsibility of this Trial Court.
Therefore, taking into account what has been stated up to now, it is concluded that the former cannot be objectively imputed to the persons subjected to the process, since it was developed within the normative framework that regulates the actions of the National Executive Power and the Parliament of the Nation and that, in addition, its opportunity, merit or convenience is excluded from the jurisdictional control that corresponds to this judicial body to exercise.
So, the opportunity, merit or convenience regarding the execution of the Memorandum, in this particular case, constitutes a non-justiciable political question, since it concerns the foreign policy of the nation and of others, therefore therefore, to the jurisdictional comptroller (according to articles 1, 27, 33, 75 -subsection 22- and 99 of the National Constitution).
That, regarding the restrictive measure that fell on the Iranian fugitives from the bombing of the AMIA headquarters, on 07/18/1994, it is worth mentioning that this axis "of Interpol's red alerts", constitutes one of the pillars of the imputation directed in cars that will have to be discarded, for the reasons that will be detailed below.
Preliminarily, it should be said that on 11/9/2006 Judge Canicoba Corral resolved the following:
“…I) DECLARING THAT THE INVESTIGATED CRIME CONSTITUTES A CRIME
OF THE AGAINST HUMANITY, as stated in the THIRD recital (article II and III of the Convention for the Prevention and
Sanction of the Crime of Genocide and Articles 6 and 7 of the Statute for an International Criminal Court).
“II) ISSUING A NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL APPRECIATION ORDER regarding ALI AKBAR HASHEMI BAHRAMAIE RAFSANJANI, ALI FALLAHIJAN, ALI AKBAR VELAYATI, MOHSEN REZAI, AHMAD VAHIDI, MOHSEN RABBANI, AHMAD REZA ASGHARI, IMAD FAWAZ < b>MOUGHNIEH, HADI
SOLEIMANPOUR, of the other personal circumstances indicated in the exordium, for being accused of committing the crimes of doubly aggravated qualified homicide, for having been committed out of racial or religious hatred and by an appropriate means to causing a common danger, to the detriment of 85 victims, in ideal competition with the crimes of minor injuries and qualified serious injuries, repeatedly and multiple damages, aggravated by having been committed out of racial or religious hatred (arts. 45, 55, 80 sub 4th and 5th, 89 and 90, both according to articles 92 and 183 of the Penal Code, according to article 2 of Law 23,592), all this according to arts. 2nd and 3rd. of the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and arts. 6mo, 7mo, inc. 1st., app. a), h) and k), and art. 25, inc. 3rd. aps a), b), c) and d) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, perpetrated on the occasion of the attack against the AMIA headquarters on July 18, 1994. All for the purposes set forth in Articles 283 and 294 of the National Criminal Procedure Code.”.
“III) ISSUING A DIPLOMATIC WARRANTY TO THE AUTHORITIES OF THE
ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN, requesting the arrest with a view to extradition of those named in item II.”.
“IV) SEND OFFICE TO THE INTERPOL DEPARTMENT of the Police
Federal Argentina for the purposes provided in this decision, for the purpose of requesting the publication of “Series A” Diffusions of those named in device II.”.
“V) SUMMONS BY EDICTS those mentioned in operative paragraph II to appear as required and appoint a defense attorney (article 150 et seq. of the National Code of Criminal Procedure). ”.
“VI) SEND OFFICE TO THE HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARGENTINE FEDERAL POLICE, NATIONAL GENDARMERIE, ARGENTINE NAVAL PREFECTURE, NATIONAL MIGRATION DIRECTORATE AND SECURITY POLICE
AEROPORTUARIA, for the same purposes set forth in operative paragraph IV). (textual), the highlighting corresponds to the original24.
Subsequently, by virtue of the work carried out by the Argentine Justice, together with the accompaniment of the community entities, the relatives of the victims and the government of the then President Néstor Kirchner, they were given
24 see fs. 2915/42 of the main one.
highlights the red alerts of some of the Iranians investigated for the attack on the AMIA headquarters.
That, the accusatory hypothesis formulated in the case file maintained that art. 7 of the Memorandum had the purpose of canceling the red circulars or reducing their effectiveness so that, in this way, the Iranian fugitives will benefit.
The truth is that, based on an in-depth study of the factual and regulatory assumptions of the case brought to study, at this specific point, no conduct and/or behavior with criminal legal relevance is noticed, with respect to people passively legitimized in this process.
Let's see: initially to fs. 1868 is the note sent by the then Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman to the Secretary General of Interpol, which is dated 02/15/2013, that is, a few days after the signing of the Memorandum questioned in the case file. . From it comes the following:
“…Mr. Secretary General: I have the honor to write to you in order to inform INTERPOL that on January 27, 2013, the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran have signed a Memorandum of Understanding regarding issues related to the terrorist attack against the AMIA headquarters in Buenos Aires on July 18, 1994, a copy of which is attached hereto. Currently, this instrument is being considered by the relevant bodies of both countries for the purposes of its approval in accordance with the respective laws, so it is not yet in force.”.
“On the other hand, in accordance with the applicable regulations, any change in the international arrest requirements timely formulated to INTERPOL from Argentina in relation to the serious crimes investigated in the AMIA case, it can only be carried out by the Argentine judge with jurisdiction in the case, Dr. Rodolfo Canicoba Corral, in charge of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 6 of this city . In other words, the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, its eventual approval by the relevant bodies of both States and its future entry into force do not produce any change in the applicable criminal procedure, nor in the status of the requests for international arrest referred to above.” (textual), highlighting and underlining added here.
It corresponds to continue with the analysis, that fs. 1868 ter of the principal, is the note dated in Lyon -France- on 03/15/2013, which was sent by the INTERPOL Legal Counsel, Joël Sollier to the Minister of Foreign Relations, International Trade and Worship of the Nation, Mr. Héctor Marcos Timerman. From the aforementioned note, the following emerges:
“…N/Reference.: LA/35678-47/3.1/EGI/tsa Subject: Memorandum of Understanding between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran / validity of red notices. Dear Minister H. Timerman, I am writing to you in reference to the recent memorandum of understanding signed between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding issues related to the terrorist attack against the AMIA headquarters in Buenos Aires on July 18, 1994.”.
“The Office of Legal Affairs of the General Secretariat of INTERPOL declares that said agreement does not imply any kind of a change in the status of the published red notices in relation to the crimes investigated in the AMIA case.”.
"In this sense, the Office of Legal Affairs considers that the aforementioned agreement is a positive development in the clarification of the cause."
“We remain at your entire disposal to collaborate in the aforementioned cause.” (textual), the highlighting and underlining belongs to me.
At the same time, in this sequence of notes exchanged between the Argentine Foreign Ministry and INTERPOL, it is worth highlighting that of fs. 1871, which is dated in Buenos Aires on 03/21/2013 sent by then Foreign Minister Timerman to Ronald K. Noble, Secretary General of INTERPOL. From it comes the following:
“…I would like to thank you for the letter that I received from the Legal Counsel, Joel Sollier, a few days ago, whose content I share absolutely.”.
“As I have explained on different occasions, the red notices in the Amia case were issued at the request of the Argentine courts and approved by the General Assembly of Interpol. Its validity has been a fundamental piece in the recently achieved advances.”.
“The agreement reached with Iran, if it were to be approved by the Parliament of that country as it has already been approved Congress Argentine, will allow for the first time the suspects
be questioned by the Argentine judicial authorities that carry out this legal process.”.
“I would like to express to you that my government considers the work of Interpol essential in the fight against crime in general and, especially, against terrorism international. The cooperation of our country with the Organization that you chair has been seen enriched through the work in the Amia Cause.”.
“I remain at your disposal to continue with the cooperation necessary to bring justice to the victims of one of the two worst attacks carried out by the international terrorism against Argentina.” (textual), highlighting and underlining added here.
Then, it is worth mentioning the press release issued on 05/30/2013 by the Argentine Foreign Ministry entitled “Interpol reaffirms its support for the Memorandum with Iran and the validity of the red notices”, press release No. 122/13. From there the following follows:
“…The Secretary General of Interpol, Ronald Noble, received Chancellor Héctor Timerman along with high-ranking authorities of the organization at the Interpol headquarters in Lyon, France.”.
“Timerman officially communicated to Interpol that Argentina has complied with the internal legal steps for the implementation of the agreement with Iran and that the Government is waiting for the Iranian counterpart to communicate the same.”
“During the meeting, Secretary General Noble reaffirmed the terms expressed by the General Counsel of Interpol in the letter of March 15, in the sense that the Memorandum with Iran does not affect in any way the status of the red notices issued by interpol at the request of Argentina.” .
“…Interpol authorities consulted about the new opinion of Special Prosecutor Alberto Nisman. In this regard, the Argentine Foreign Minister said that the more elements are contributed to the case, the more forceful will be the judge's interrogation of the defendants during the judicial hearing provided for in the Memorandum.”.
“Foreign Minister Timerman expressed the unequivocal commitment of Argentina with the judicial process to find and punish those who committed the worst terrorist attack inside the Republic Argentina. He also stated that the Argentine authorities will put the Memorandum into operation immediately after receiving the official notification from the Iranian government announcing the approval of said agreement. .” (textual), the emphasis and underlining are my own, see fs. 2122 of the main.
In that order of ideas, it is worth saying that fs. 2722 of the main actions are carried out by note n° 5572/14 dated 05/09/2014 that the Argentine Chancellery sent to the Head of Federal Court n° 6, Secretariat n 11, of this city, within the framework of the cause of the attack on AMIA. Dr. Zuain alluded to said note in the context of the oral and public hearings held recently in the proceedings. Well, the following emerges from it:
“…I am pleased to write to you in relation to case no. 8566/96, pending before that Court.”.
“In this regard, I comply with informing you that an official of the Embassy of the Republic of Korea consulted one of the Directors of this Ministry about of the Argentine position
in the event of the possibility that the Republic of Korea invited the Iranian national Mohsen Rezai to visit that country.”.
“This Foreign Ministry told the representative of the Republic of Korea that in the event that the visit of the aforementioned Iranian citizen materializes, the Argentine Republic will request immediately the application of the Extradition Treaty signed between our country and the Republic of Korea and which entered into force on November 2000.”
“In the event that any other information is received on this matter, it will be brought to the attention of that Court as soon as briefly.”.
“The aforementioned information is sent for the purposes and effects that that Court deems pertinent.” (textual), the highlighting and underlining is my own. After that, on fs. 2723 shows the document sent by the UFI AMIA by the Attorney General, Dr. Nisman to the Interpol headquarters of the Argentine Federal Police, dated 05/12/2014 -en that is, one year and three months after the signing of the questioned Memorandum - requesting that if Rezai's visit to the Republic of Korea materializes, according to what was reported by the Ministry of Foreign Relations, International Trade and Worship of the Nation in the aforementioned note, “the corresponding measures be adopted for the purpose of making said arrest warrant effective< /b>.” (textual).
In summary, what has been detailed so far is eloquent to assert that the signing of the Memorandum had no impact on Interpol's notifications or red circulars regarding the Iranian fugitives. But, in addition, it is clear from the details of the aforementioned evidence that there was no interference from any
type in the criminal investigation for the attack on the AMIA.
detail.
There are even more supporting documents for
That the note is of inestimable value
sent by INTERPOL dated 06/22/2020 n° 394-02- 10/2020, where a chronological review is made of the processing of the AMIA case. Specifically, it contains the following:
That, what was stated by INTERPOL in the note sent the previous year (2020), constitutes new evidence, which rules out the criminal hypothesis formulated by the Prosecutor of the previous instance and the private prosecutors . There it became completely clear that the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 6 -Secretariat No. 11- of this city, is the only entity with the power to annul the international arrests ordered opportunely within the framework of the AMIA cause. This is consistent -in substance- with the note dated 12/4/2013, “SUBJECT: RED NOTICES ISSUED BY THE AMIA CASE” (see folio 212 or 1014 of the documentation sent by Interpol ).
In effect, art. 361 of the C.P.P.N., so that the note sent by INTERPOL on 06/22/2020 provides negative certainty, to the point that the defendants in these proceedings did not commit any crime.
Although, Mr. Attorney General, Dr. Colombo considered in his address on 09/1/2021 that the note ut-supra alluded to not could be considered as a new piece of evidence, because it is consistent with the Interpol note on fs. 7440/48 of the principal, the truth is that the report dated 06/22/2020, yes can be taken as a new element of evidence, under the terms of art. 361 of the C.P.P.N., by virtue of the broad interpretation of said legal provision proposed herein, in the corresponding section of this suffrage, to whose considerations it refers for the sake of brevity.
On the other hand, of course I am not unaware of the existence of the note dated 02/15/2013, which was signed jointly by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Argentina and Iran, sent to INTERPOL Secretary General Ronald K. .noble. It follows from it that:
“…A copy of the MOU entered into between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Argentine Republic on the attack on the AMIA in Buenos Aires in 1994, which is sent by virtue of Article 7 of the document, is attached.”.
“We take this opportunity to thank your efforts on various occasions in past years aimed at bringing the delegations of our countries closer together to resolve their differences in your organization with mutual understanding and respect.”.
“Similarly, we are pleased to inform you that both countries have agreed that the issues between them regarding the AMIA case will be resolved through bilateral cooperation.” (textual), see page 1492 of the documentation sent by Interpol.
Now, the note referred to, in no way affected the agency's red alerts, regarding the Iranian fugitives. What's more, its effectiveness was not even affected. Indeed, everything happened
on the contrary, since said restrictions continue in force as of this date.
On the basis of all that has been said, moreover, the provisions of art. 81, inc. 2°, of the Interpol Regulations, in that the only authority to cancel a notification to the Interpol headquarters is precisely:
“…The National Central Office [...] that has requested the publication of a notification”, that is, Interpol Argentina, which by application of its own internal regulations and the evidence cited in this pronouncement, obviously, only it can do so at the request of the judge in the case (cf. arts. 81 and CC., “Interpol Regulations on Data Processing” III/IRPD/GA/2011, Office of Legal Affairs).
Another issue that should be addressed in this pronouncement is related to the banners or legends inserted after the signing of the Memorandum, by unilateral decision of the "SG" of the Interpol organization, in relation to red alerts and/or notices of the Iranian fugitives from the AMIA case. Certainly, it is worth noting that these extremes are not relevant, since the effectiveness of the red alerts remained unchanged.
For the rest, note that the Interpol report dated 10/4/2017, on fs. 7440/48 of the principal, it expressly appears that the legend said:
"The INTERPOL General Secretariat was informed that an agreement was signed on 01/27/2013 between Argentina and the Islamic Republic of Iran on the terrorist attack on the AMIA in 1994 related to this notification in order to resolve the matter through diplomatic channels.The status of this Notice remains unchanged, as decided by the INTERPOL General Assembly in 2007< /u>.” (textual), the highlight corresponds to the original and the underlining added here.
Note that from the "legend" itself, which for the prosecution is an element of evidence that relativizes the effectiveness of the red notices of the Iranians involved in the AMIA attack, emerges "textually" and reiterates, that: " …The status of the present Notification remains unchanged, as per
decided by the INTERPOL General Assembly in 2007.”. This piece of evidence helps to demolish the accusatory hypothesis, which exempts me from further considerations on the point.
Based on all of the above, I must add that the reports and/or notes sent by Interpol on the validity of the notifications or red alerts were consistent with each other25.
VI.4.c. Regarding the summons to give testimony of INTERPOL officials, former Secretary General Ronald K. Noble and the Legal Counsel of the Joël Sollier agency:
That, in the criminal complaint made by Prosecutor Nisman, on January 14, 2015, he emphasized that the red alerts remained in force due to the intervention of INTERPOL officials, that is, the Secretary General, Ronald K. Noble, and the Legal Adviser, Joël Sollier.
In this order of ideas, it is worth mentioning that, at the beginning of this investigation, specifically the instruction request made by Mr. Fiscal Agent, on fs. 316/351 of the principal, in section V.9) of his opinion, he expressly requested: “…Means be provided to hear testimony Mr. Ronald Noble in order facts that -according to the complaint- he was aware of by virtue of the post he held at Interpol in a timely manner.” (textual), the prominent and underlining is own.
That, once the reopening of the case was decided due to the ruling issued by the members of Chamber I of the Federal Court of Criminal Cassation on 12/29/2016, and the investigation was delegated to the
25 See fs. 4268/69, 4767/69, 5261, 5711/17, 5794/96, 7440/48, 8208/13; documentation sent by Interpol, among other records.
Federal Prosecutor's Office no. In essence, the body responded that the aforementioned possessed immunities and privileges due to his function, which prevented the possibility of obtaining his testimonial statement in the present investigation26.
In the sequence described, once the process reached the oral and public trial instance, Ronald K. Noble and Joël Sollier were admitted as witnesses (see points 47 and 48 of the order of admissibility of evidence of 08/21/ 2020, in accordance with what was requested by the respective parties). Even this Trial Court ordered those named to receive an advance statement through the videoconference system in the aforementioned admissibility order, without success. This, in no way can be weighted against the rights and guarantees of the defendants in these proceedings.
Well, it is worth saying that, at the plenary session, through a note dated 09/21/2020, the INTERPOL General Secretariat reported the following:
“…Reference is made to a message from the Buenos Aires National Central Office, received by the INTERPOL General Secretariat on September 9, 2020, which includes a request for notification to the former Secretary General, Mr. Ronald Noble, and former General Counsel, Mr. Joël Sollier, to testify by videoconference about the facts related to the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran, which occurred during the mandates that they had at INTERPOL.”
“The General Secretariat takes note of the letter dated September 8, 2020 in relation to case n˚129 14305/2015/T01 titled "Fernández de Kirchner, Cristina Elisabet and others s/aggravated concealment".
“The General Secretariat observes that it is trying to take testimony from Mr. Noble and Mr. Sollier in the framework of this procedure.”.
“Based on the premise that the requested testimony is related to the functions or duties of Mr. Noble and the
26In this regard, see fs. 4559/69, 4971, 5261, 5643, 5652, 5687/89, 5718/20, 5721, 5722/24, 5763/65,
5804/08, 5817, 5894/97, 5951, 9098/9108, 9109/12, 9118/vta., 9288, 9291, 9360/61, among others.
Mr. Sollier while acting as Secretary General and General Counsel of INTERPOL, respectively, the General Secretariat maintains the following:
INTERPOL, as well as its Secretary General and its staff, enjoy privileges and immunities, including immunity from legal process, in connection with all their official functions.”.
“These privileges and immunities, necessary for the effective and independent functioning of the Organization, are in line with INTERPOL's Constitution, regulations and rules, resolutions and bilateral agreements concluded between the Organization and its members. Member states. In particular, reference is made to the Agreement signed between INTERPOL and the Argentine Republic regarding the Subregional Office for South America, of May 22, 1990 (Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the Subregional Office for South America) .”.
“Likewise, immunity from jurisdiction extends to all stages of civil and criminal law, including summons to appear as a witness in any proceeding of this nature, and also continues even after the cessation of their services, as occurs with the former Secretary General and the former General Counsel”.
“The General Secretariat wishes to recall that these privileges and immunities can only be withdrawn by the Organization.”.
“Consequently, in light of the foregoing, and based on the information provided to date, the INTERPOL General Secretariat considers that Mr. Noble and Mr. Sollier cannot be called as witnesses in this matter without the competent bodies of the Organization having previously determined that such action is in accordance with the Constitution , INTERPOL rules and regulations. If your authorities have additional information, please contact the General Secretariat."
“The General Secretariat trusts that the Argentine authorities will adopt the appropriate measures to comply with international norms regarding privileges and immunities, including those established in the Agreement regarding the Headquarters of the Subregional Office for South America, as well as as to guarantee maximum respect for the principle of neutrality enshrined in the Constitution and INTERPOL resolutions.” (textual), highlighting and underlining added here.
Here it is noted that beyond the willingness expressed by the former Interpol agent Noble to testify in these proceedings, the truth is that there is an impediment for the agency to authorize the testimonial statements of the
named. In fact, the indicated situation remains unchanged from the investigation stage of the proceedings, as was indicated in previous paragraphs.
For the rest, linked to the appreciations expressed up to here, both Noble and Sollier were reluctant to point out, either by note to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship of our country, as well as, on social networks and before the national and international media. Even the aforementioned Nobleman sent emails with a statement titled "HE OFFERS HIMSELF AS A WITNESS" addressed to Room II of the National Court of Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals of this city, as well as to the Investigating court after the issuance of the prosecution with preventive detention that, in some cases, was issued, holding that without prejudice to the Memorandum, the red notices of the AMIA case were never affected27.
From the statement made by Noble, which was alluded to in the previous paragraph, the following emerges:
“…I can tell you in advance that my testimony will not coincide with the complaint. Argentina and its representatives always told u> INTERPOL that the red notices should be maintained. In February 2013, INTERPOL received a note signed by Minister of Foreign Relations Héctor Timerman where specifically required the red notices to be maintained , accompanying a joint protocol note from Argentina and the Islamic Republic of Iran stating that the two countries had signed a Memorandum.”
“2. It is true that from that moment the Islamic Republic of Iran considered that point 7 of the Memorandum required the removal of the red notices. To avoid any confusion I ordered a text to be added to the same red notifications making it clear that these were not affected in their validity < u>for the approval of the Memorandum. I talked about the issue with Prosecutor Alberto Nisman himself, who supported my initiative and perhaps his recognition of my role was related to this decision.” .
27See fs. 9120/25 and 9131/36 of the main one.
“…The Judge must tell me the steps to follow so that my statement has full value according to Argentine law. I am willing to go immediately to the Argentine Embassy or Consulate in (...) where I live to ratify the signing of this letter or to answer your questions by videoconference. I will not claim any immunity that comes from my position as Secretary General of INTERPOL."
Regarding the red notices of the AMIA case, Noble emphatically pointed out that:
“…Only a decision of the Argentine judge or of the INTERPOL Office in Buenos Aires with the agreement of the Argentine judge could rescind them .” (textual), the highlighting and underlining is my own.
Based on the findings up to this point and since the witnesses Noble and Sollier agreed on the validity of the red alerts in the AMIA case; coupled with the impossibility of obtaining the appearance of those mentioned to provide testimonial statement in these proceedings; we are facing another additional element to adopt a liberatory criterion, with respect to the people protected in these proceedings.
In other words, the impossibility of summoning Noble and Sollier as witnesses, whose testimonials are of crucial importance for the present case, cannot cause a deterioration in the rights and guarantees of the accused persons, specifically as regards that concerns the defense in court and due process (cf. art. 18 of the National Constitution and international treaties incorporated into it with constitutional hierarchy after the reform of 1994, by virtue of legal provision 75, subsection 22).
That the “Truth Commission” was another of the pillars on which the prosecution found support in these proceedings.
In essence, the question to decide is very
simple.
It can simply be said that the aforementioned “Truth Commission” never was formed, since the Memorandum did not enter into force.
For the rest, the aforementioned Memorandum was declared unconstitutional by the National Court of Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals of this city, as explained ut-supra.
So, the accusatory hypothesis formulated at this point should be ruled out outright.
In such an understanding, it is worth mentioning the note issued by the Foreign Ministry of the Argentine Republic on 06/9/2017, addressed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran. There, the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Susana Malcorra, reported that:
“…In this regard, I wish to recall that the aforementioned international agreement establishes in its article 6 that it will enter into force "(...) after the exchange of the last verbal note informing that the internal requirements for its approval or ratification have been completed."
“Taking into account that, as is public and notorious knowledge, neither of the two States has made said notification the aforementioned Memorandum of Understanding will not be is in force.”.
“To the foregoing, it should be added that said instrument has been declared unconstitutional by the Argentine courts, as was Law No. 26,843 that had approved it, and that the authorities of the Argentine Republic have repeatedly stated publicly that our country has not been, is not and will not be part of it.”
“In this sense, I confirm to you that it is the manifest will of the Argentine State not to become part of the aforementioned Memorandum of Understanding signed on January 27, 2013.”28 (textual), the emphasis and underlining are my own. Indeed, what was predicted was reaffirmed in the note from the Argentine Foreign Ministry dated 12/4/2017, by the successor of Eng. Malcorra, Foreign Minister Jorge Faurie29.
That, in connection with the accusatory hypothesis
allusion was made to the interference in the work of the
28See fs. 8836 of the main.
29In this regard, see fs. 8837 of the main.
The judge and the prosecutor who were handling the case of the AMIA bombing.
Note that according to the records in the main proceedings, either before, at the same time and after the signing of the questioned Memorandum, which was later declared unconstitutional, both Prosecutor Nisman and Judge Canicoba Corral took carry out investigative measures, within the framework of the “AMIA” case, expte. No. 8566 of the registry of the Federal Criminal and Correctional National Court No. 6 Secretariat No. 11
-Annex Amia-30, this confirms to me that there was no interference in the investigation that was in charge of the UFI AMIA.
Likewise, another invaluable piece of evidence that demonstrates that there was no interference in the investigation of the AMIA case, is note n° 5572/14 dated 05/09/2014, that the Argentine Foreign Ministry sent to the Head of Federal Court No. 6, Secretariat No. 11, of this city, in the framework of the case for the attack on the AMIA and which was cited, to whose considerations I refer for the sake of brevity, as well as the official letter issued by UFI AMIA dated 05/12/2014. It should be noted that these pieces of evidence date from after the signing of the Memorandum.
Based on the foregoing, it can be said that the accusing hypothesis on this point was also ruled out.
That, another issue raised by the prosecution was that the Memorandum had underlying issues related to trade relations between the two states, which was associated with the presumed concealment intention.
Here, I will not have to delve deeper, because the evidence gathered indicates the opposite.
30In this regard, see bodies XVI and XVII of case CFP 777/15.
In effect, the commercial relationship was between “privates”.
Thus, the informative evidence provided by the General Prosecutor's Office intervening in the case file is inconsistent -in substance- with that collected at the beginning of the investigation31. In fact, these extremes were recognized by Mr. Attorney General, Dr. Colombo in his address given at the oral and public hearing held on 09/1/2021, to which he refers for the sake of brevity.
Therefore, at this point, it is also appropriate to rule out the accusatory hypothesis.
That, this was another of the matters taken into consideration by the prosecution, which would constitute evidence of the context of what finally culminated in the signing of the Memorandum.
Certainly, at this point there are conjectures in the prosecution that are not supported by the evidence collected in the case file. In addition to this, it is worth noting that no criminal behavior is glimpsed.
Let's see: after the attack on AMIA, which took place on 07/18/1994, the Islamic Republic of Iran did not collaborate with the Argentine judicial authorities. Specifically, they did not respond to the international requests sent by the federal courts of our country and this arises from the records of the file.
Faced with this, the prosecution maintained that the government of former President Néstor Kirchner had an imprint of firmness with Iran, given the refusal of the
31 See report of the Ministry of Economy and Public Finance dated 02/10/2015 on fs. 1892/1902; report of the Federal Administration of Public Revenues of fs. 1905 dated 02/9/2015; report of the Ministry of Federal Planning, Public Investment and Services dated 02/9/2015, on fs. 1908/17
Persians to answer the requests of Argentine justice. This led to strong claims in international forums such as the United Nations, with the AMIA case being a priority issue on the political agenda of former President Kirchner. That, the then President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner initially maintained that State Policy, although for the prosecution there was a turn as of 2011, specifically of flexibility, openness and dialogue with the Iranians, which would have meant the kick of what finally allowed the Memorandum to crystallize.
Well, liminarily, it can be said that there is no change at the political level, with respect to the AMIA case. On this point, I will have to agree with what was stated by former Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman and by Mr. Carlos Zannini, in that in their defenses provided during the investigation stage of the proceedings they assured that there was no change in relation to the case AMIA in the Government of former President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, with respect to the government that preceded it of former President Néstor Kirchner32.
On this point, I will agree with the opinion of former Judge Ballestero, who, when ruling on the unconstitutionality of the Memorandum, held the following:
“…In truth, the intentions that have supported this agreement, as well as the negotiations that preceded it, demonstrate with total transparency the multiple efforts made by the Argentine government, both in national and international instances, in search of the clarification of what happened and the progress of the investigation.” (textual).
In substance, there is no difference between the actions carried out by the governments of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, on the AMIA case. This is sustained based on the weighted evidence in previous paragraphs, where the unwavering claim of the Argentine State arises, in
32See investigative statements by Timerman and Zannini on fs. 7802/81 and 8117/23 of the main one.
point to specify the investigative statements of the Iranian fugitives and the answer to the international requests sent by our country for the AMIA case.
In this order of considerations, it is worth recalling that, from the documentation sent by INTERPOL, there is an original letter signed by Prosecutor Nisman dated 02/27/2008, addressed to the Minister of Justice, Security and Human Rights, Dr. Aníbal D. Fernández, from which the following arises:
“…in relation to the proposal formulated by the OCN-Tehran to hold meetings with its similar OCN-Buenos Aires to discuss future cooperation in this investigation, that any measure that implies cooperation that aims to materialize and respond effective to the requirements formulated by the Argentine courts, this Fiscal Unit receives it with satisfaction and finds it highly constructive.” (textual)33, the highlighting and underlining is my own.
In effect, said transcription exempts me from making further considerations on the point.
That said, in relation to the "Aleppo Summit", which would have taken place on 01/24/2011 in the Syrian Arab Republic and where the foreign ministers of Argentina and Iran would have met secretly, it is said with the witness statement of José Ricardo Eliaschev34.
The vagueness of the content of said testimony leaves more doubts than certainties about the existence of that secret or confidential meeting between the foreign ministers of Argentina and Iran, since the
testimonial
of
journalist
Eliaschev turns out
insufficient
for
accredit
reliably his
existence.
In fact, by way of hypothesis, if that reserved or confidential meeting between foreign ministers existed, it does not constitute a crime. Well, it should be remembered that in the area of the Foreign Ministry there are reserved, confidential, secret cables that make diplomatic activity, since these cables are the
33See folio 149 or 180 of the documentation sent by INTERPOL.
34In this regard, see fs. 2706/11 of the principal.
communications that Argentine embassies or consulates abroad maintain with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of our country or vice versa. So, it can be concluded that at this point no criminal behavior is detected.
By the way, I will have to agree on the matter with the Attorney General, Dr. Javier De Luca, who in what matters here stated:
“…The acts of conspiracy cannot be considered acts conducts denounced for the fact that they were carried out in a manner that reserved manner, because by their very nature, diplomatic relations are carried out in the strictest secrecy, with which it is not that they do not make themselves known by their spurious object, but because they are reserved.” (textual)35, emphasis added here.
In essence, said quote from the opinion of the Prosecutor who intervenes before the Federal Chamber of Criminal Cassation comes to put in crisis the statement and the publication of the deceased journalist Eliaschev.
On the other hand, the “exploratory” meetings that they would have held according to the press releases of the Argentine Foreign Ministry with the Iranian delegation, after the speech of the former President, Dr. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in the General Assembly of the United Nations in September 2012, are not demonstrative of any crime either, since the Argentine Foreign Ministry communicated them through the respective press releases.
As an example, a fs. 2064 works the press release dated 09/18/2012 in relation to a bilateral hearing between the Foreign Ministers of Argentina and Iran, requested at the request of the Islamic Republic of Iran; to fs. 2169 published the press release of 09/27/2012 entitled "Joint statement on the meeting of the foreign ministers of the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran"; to fs. 2170 published the press release of 10/29/2012 entitled "Argentina and Iran will meet for the AMIA Cause"; to fs.
35 See opinion of Prosecutor De Luca on fs. 863/76/round. of the present.
8013 Foreign Ministry press release dated 10/31/2012 “The work sessions with Iran went to an intermission room”; to fs. 8016 Foreign Ministry press release of 12/1/2012 “Foreign Ministry informs about meetings with Iran and denies publication of the newspaper La Nación”; to fs. 2182 press release of 01/07/2013 entitled "Foreign Minister Hector Timerman held a working session with the foreign minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran"; to fs. 2183 press release of 01/27/2013 on the Memorandum of Understanding between the Argentine Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Most of these communiqués are prior to the signing of the Memorandum, so that, here a public and transparent activity towards the citizenry is noticed.
It is worth saying that these meetings or encounters between the members of the Argentine Foreign Ministry and the Iranian Delegation date back to the Government of former President Néstor Kirchner. In fact, from the records of the main documents, there are meetings that diplomats from our country had with their counterparts from the Islamic Republic of Iran.
In addition, a record of enormous relevance cannot be overlooked. In essence, it is note No. 2194 dated 11/8/2012 by which the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship informs Prosecutor Nisman that Ambassadors of that Foreign Ministry, together with the Treasury Attorney of the Nation held three working meetings with representatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Geneva.
And in the aforementioned note the following was added:
“…During the aforementioned meetings, the delegations worked on the purpose of exploring a legal mechanism that was not in contradiction with the legal systems of Argentina and Iran in the points established by the foreign ministers of both countries in the joint communiqué of September 27, 2012, in the Margins of the 67th Period of Sessions of the General Assembly of the UN.”.
“Likewise, the Attorney General is informed that in the case of a diplomatic negotiation process between States The parties have agreed to keep its content confidential while it lasts.” (textual)36.
On the same date, Prosecutor Nisman notified the plaintiffs of the AMIA37 case of this. That, the lawyer in charge of the AMIA and DAIA complaints requested the testimonial statements of the Treasury Attorney, Dr. Abbona and the Ambassador Dr. Zuain, although said petition, by decree of dated 12/4/2012, Mr. Attorney General, Dr. Nisman took it into account38. All this was provided by Ms. Abbona when formulating her defense in these actions39.
Well, the extremes pointed out by the prosecution, in this particular point, do not constitute a crime either.
That said element was provided by the President of the DAIA, in order to achieve the reopening of the CFP case n° 777/1540.
In said recording, former Foreign Minister Timerman would have admitted the then President of the community entity, which was the Islamic Republic of Iran, who planted the bomb in relation to the AMIA case.
In a preliminary sense, it is necessary to mention that said recording was of dubious origin, on the one hand, none of the protagonists of that conversation recorded it and, furthermore, there was no trial any criminal, in which the registration of the former was ordered. This would cause the nullity of said evidentiary element, added to the fact that the commission of a crime is warned as provided in art. 153 of the C.P., which was already indicated by other magistrates who intervened at the beginning of this file.
36See fs. 8183/84 of the main one.
37See fs. 8185 of the main performances.
38 See fs. 8186 and 8187 of the main one.
39See fs. 8183/95 of the main one.
40See fs. 3403/10 of the principal.
Notwithstanding the foregoing, the truth is that said element does not prove any wrongdoing. In other words, the content of said recording coincides -in substance- with the criminal hypothesis of the AMIA case, whose investigation is carried out by UFI AMIA and Federal Court No. 6
-Secretariat No. 11- (Annex AMIA) of this city.
That, in the alleged criminal maneuver that constitutes the procedural object of these actions, said element lacks relevance from a legal-criminal perspective and taking into account its dubious origin, it can hardly be considered validly entered evidence in these actions.
That, in this topic, a comprehensive reading of the transcripts of the wiretaps -and not of the extracts as can be deduced from the request for submission to trial or from the complaint filed by the UFI AMIA Prosecutor, that originated the processing of these actions- it is noted that the existence of a criminal cover-up plan in these works is not glimpsed either.
It is worth mentioning, in this sense, that the “protagonists” of the wiretapping are the defendants Fernando Luis Esteche, Luis Ángel D´Elia, Ramón Allan Héctor Bogado and Jorge Alejandro Khalil. Yrimia is also present, who is not part of the elevation to trial of these proceedings.
It is worth saying that everything revolves around these people, named in the previous paragraph, who are accused here.
A striking piece of information from those transcripts is that, if the cover-up plan to help and/or favor the Iranian fugitives with the signing of the Memorandum was made up of officials from the Executive Branch, from the Argentine Foreign Ministry, Deputy Larroque (of the Legislative Branch), among
others, the absence of any reference to the highest representatives of the diplomatic commission is notable
-Timerman and Zuain-.
However, a reference to former Chancellor Timerman emerges from one of the wiretaps, who was named by the accused Khalil insulting him and with a discriminatory tenor< /u>. This was due to the fact that, as the former Chancellor asserted, in relation to a publication in the newspaper Página 12, contributed by his defense in the investigation stage of the proceedings, where it appears that Timerman referred: "...We did not give up anything < /b>perhaps that is why it never achieved final approval in Iran" (textual)41, the emphasis corresponds to the original. Hence the anger and the reprehensible expression of the defendant Khalil against Timerman.
Returning to the comprehensive analysis of the transcripts of the wiretaps, cited abundantly and repetitively in the complaint by Prosecutor Nisman and in the request for referral to trial formulated by the Federal Prosecutor's Office of the previous instance, it is evident that the Defendants Esteche, D'Elia, Khalil and Bogado were mobilized by strictly private issues or of a personal nature, flaunting relationships with public officials and influences that, in reality, were non-existent.
What was noted in the previous paragraph is central to the transcripts of the wiretaps. So that there is no room for doubt, the only thing that united the defendants Esteche, D'Elia, Khalil and Bogado were personal issues, to obtain their own and/or individual benefit, alluding to the influence of state officials, who in the plane of reality they did not have.
In turn, the accusation formulated in this case maintained that the defendants Esteche, D'Elia, Khalil and Bogado were part of the cover-up plan to help and/or favor the fugitives
41 See fs. 9076 from the main.
Iranians. Here, too, the accusation must be placed in crisis, since from the analysis of the transcripts of the wiretaps involved in the case, it can be deduced that Esteche, D'Elia, Khalil and Bogado, did not have a good relationship and there was a great distrust between them. In fact, on repeated occasions from the wiretaps it emerges that the defendant Khalil referred to D'Elia in very harsh terms.
So, how can it be possible that these people were part of the cover-up plan to favor and/or help the Iranian fugitives from the AMIA attack, when in fact the intercepted conversations were demonstrative that distrust reigned and the almost zero respect between them?
But, it also contributes to the comprehensive analysis proposed here that the influences that these people claimed to have with first-level officials was non-existent. In turn, these subjects boasted of obtaining privileged information, when in fact they learned of information of public interest through the news media.
In addition, conversations between those named abound, where they make false assertions. By way of example, Bogado tells Khalil that he was at the house (referring to the former SIDE) and that he learned that the red alerts were going to be raised. The truth is that, based on the grounds stated, the opposite emerges, the red alerts were never raised or questioned and, therefore, they were always in force against the Iranian fugitives from the attack on the AMIA headquarters.
Then, the wiretaps whose transcripts are used in these proceedings, were physically incorporated into the CFP file no. 777/2015, and have nothing of probative elements
incriminating, but quite the contrary, as can be seen based on what is stated here.
Then, returning to the analysis of the transcripts of the wiretaps, the following question should be asked: Is what Bogado could have said to Khalil with whom he was conversing fluently credible? The answer is no.
In summary, it is necessary to mention that the magistrates who intervened at the beginning of the present case, the case of Judge Rafecas or of the former Chamber Judges of Chamber I of the National Chamber of Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals of this city, critically emphasized the reliability and/or credibility of the content of the wiretaps. And said observation formulated by the judges who intervened in the beginning or incipient state of the present cause at this stage of the process is shared, that is to say, having produced the respective evidence (cf. arts. 354 and 357, both of the C.P.P.N.) and finding the case filed in the Oral Court.
It is worth continuing with the details of the transcripts of the wiretaps on several occasions Khalil assured the accused D
´Elia, that the Memorandum of Understanding between Argentina and Iran was going to be approved in the latter country42. However, the Islamic Republic of Iran never approved said international instrument, therefore its clauses never entered into force.
That, in one of the conversations held by telephone and intercepted between the defendants Esteche and Khalil, the former of those named made a disparaging reference to Luis D'Elia43.
From the conversation that the defendant Khalil had with who would be "Carla" –Ex-Judge Yrimia's secretary- the bad relationship is exposed, where
42 See fs. 2601, among many others.
43 Fs. 2629/round and 2630 of the principal.
basically, “mistrust” floated between the defendants Bogado and Khalil44.
That, from the intercepted telephone conversation between the accused Khalil and Abdul Karim, the former of those named refers to the political organization “La Cámpora” in an inappropriate manner45. In essence, the question mentioned is not minor if one takes into consideration that one of the accused here, Mr. Andrés Larroque, was one of the greatest exponents of the aforementioned political organization. So, the following question should be asked: how were Khalil and Larroque going to be linked in the alleged cover-up plan in favor of the Iranian fugitives in the AMIA case, when the accused Khalil insulted the political organization to which Larroque belonged?
In essence, one wonders how Khalil and Larroque can then converge on the same cover-up plan. The answer is clear, there was no an illicit plan.
In effect, if in the cover-up plan to favor the Iranian fugitives with national and international capture in the AMIA case, public officials of the highest level of the National Executive Branch, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Legislative Branch, previously mentioned with various functions and/or powers, it is clear that said plan, in addition to being non-existent, was destined to fail< /u>, since the body of evidence detailed up to here demonstrates the importance of the AMIA case for the various branches of the State (Executive, Legislative and Judicial).
In another conversation between Khalil and Esteche, inappropriate expressions about the aforementioned D'Elia46 are reiterated.
44 See fs. 2665/round of the main performances.
45 See fs. 1751, CD 118 dated 08/16/2013.
46 Fs. 1759 of the main.
The above exempts me from making further considerations on the point, since there is a history of entanglements, hatred, mistrust and crossed interests in obtaining a strictly individual benefit between the accused Esteche, D'Elia, Khalil and Bogado.
So, the transcripts of the wiretaps that make up the body of evidence in the case file, far from being considered an incriminating piece of evidence, stand in a favorable light for the release solution proposed here.
That, in relation to the intervention of the non-profit Civil Association called “Llamamiento Argentino Judío”, with the legal sponsorship of Drs. Horacio Lutzky and Luis Alberto Kon, who were accepted by this Court as "Amicus Curiae" or "Friend of the Court", from the address made by Dr. Kon at the oral and public hearing held on 09/1/2021, It appears that they did not share the accusation formulated in this process by the DAIA complaint and that they had a notable difference with said private accuser, regarding the AMIA case.
They also stated that these institutions do not reflect the thinking of the entire Jewish community.
That, having evidenced the considerations made in the previous points and having merited in the respective sections the extensive probative plexus incorporated in the present proceedings, it is appropriate to advance in the analysis of the typical adequacy of the conducts foisted.
In this regard, it is worth taking into account what Mir Puig said, in that “(for) an unlawful conduct to constitute a crime, it is necessary that
is criminally typical, that is, that it conforms to any of the figures of crime provided […]”47
For his part, Muñoz Conde has said that, “Type is, therefore, the description of the prohibited conduct carried out by the legislator in the eventual assumption of a criminal law. Typicality is the quality that is attributed to a behavior when it is subsumable in the factual assumption of a criminal norm”. 48
So, the analysis that will have to be carried out will allow us to determine if there are positive elements that allow progress with the imputation trial from the perspective of the theory of the crime or, on the contrary, if there are negative elements that cancel the imputation formulated in the previous instance.
First of all, it is appropriate to recap on the factual platform that supports the accusation faced by the people subjected to the process. It is worth clarifying that it will be detailed synthetically, since it is a maneuver that requires the mention of several additional circumstances in order to fully understand the accusation, for which reason I will refer, for the sake of brevity, to the requirement for trial.
Thus, taking into account the factual basis outlined, the Public Prosecutor of the previous instance understood that the actions taken by Cristina Elisabet FERNÁNDEZ de KIRCHNER, Eduardo Antonio ZUAIN, Angelina María Esther ABBONA, Juan Martín MENA and Carlos Alberto ZANNINI found typical adequacy in the crimes of concealment aggravated by the preceding act and by his status as a public official, hindrance of a functional act and abuse of authority, which ideally concur as co-perpetrators.
47Mir Puig, Santiago; Criminal law. General Part., 9th. Ed. Reprinted, Euro Editores SRL, Capital Federal, Argentina, 2012, p. 155.
48Muñoz Conde, Francisco “General Theory of Crime”, fourth edition, Edit Tirant Lo Blanch, Valencia, 2007, p. 56.
Regarding the intervention of Oscar Isidro José PARRILLI and Andrés LARROQUE, their elevation to trial was required for the same conduct as their consorts in the case, but as necessary participants.
Finally, according to the Prosecutor's Office of the previous instance, the defendants Luis Ángel D'ELÍA, Jorge Alberto KHALIL, Luis Fernando ESTECHE and Ramón Héctor Allan BOGADO, must criminally respond in order to the crimes of concealment aggravated by the preceding act , in an ideal contest, with the hindrance figure of a functional act, as necessary participants.
After reviewing the background of the case both in its factual and regulatory assumptions and, in order to elucidate whether the crimes under study are configured in these proceedings, it is necessary to analyze the stratum corresponding to the “typicality u>” (which is made up of an objective and a subjective face), following the study of the theory of crime49.
Now, considering the particularities that these actions present, I cannot ignore an event that is transcendental and of prior analysis, which affects the treatment of the type objective.
Here is the core of the matter, because when analyzing this objective aspect, it can be said that the imputation trial is cancelled, since it is evident that there is no crime here.
At this point, it is worth noting what was stated by the Attorney General, Dr. Javier De Luca, in his opinion on fs. 863/76 / vta., As soon as he explained that:
“…The alleged spurious intention of the Argentine government to stop or terminate Interpol's “red alerts” and the formation of a so-called “Truth Commission” to generate a false investigative hypothesis cannot, neither objectively nor legally, constitute the "aid" that typifies the
49Mir Puig, Santiago; Criminal law. General Part., 9th. Ed. Reprinted, Euro Editores SRL, Capital Federal, Argentina, 2011, p. 243 et seq.
Article 277, section 1, subparagraph a), of the Penal Code, or any other crime.”
Citation continues:
“Supporting that the signing of a treaty constitutes a criminal plan is absurd from a legal point of view. If the signing of this international agreement could be understood (with some effort and imagination) as a material aid to the fugitives of the "AMIA cause", attempted or already consummated, that action would not constitute a crime, because it would fall within the constitutional competence not justiciable of the Executive Power and the National Legislative Power.”
“…For example, Law 23,521 of due obedience (beyond its unconstitutionality or subsequent nullity), meant in its u> at the moment the impunity of several hundred people, and it is not possible to consider that this was an act of cover-up for personal favor on the part of those who projected it, the legislators who voted for it, the president who promulgated it and the judges who at the time applied it in the cases submitted to their jurisdiction.” .
In this understanding, the parallelism between that historical event reviewed and the case that summons us cannot be ignored, since it would be contrary to common sense, to reproach those who, in their capacity as public officials and acting under constitutional parameters , carried out the negotiations in order to sign the Memorandum.
For her part, the private defender of Mr. Andrés Larroque, stated in one of her interventions that: “…The complaint is so absurd that according to it the alleged Undercover, that is, benefited by the cover-up, would not agree with the aid, since they do not approve nor continue the negotiations with the Argentine government.” u> (textual)50.
This reflection reveals with crystal clarity the absence of any element that touches the sphere of criminal law in the figures involved.
So, the question we should ask ourselves is whether the alleged undercovers, that is, those
50 See writing of fs. 3754/61 of the main one.
people who would benefit from the behavior analyzed here agreed or disagreed with such help.
The answer to this question is NO, otherwise, they would have had to exhaust all the resources at their disposal to obtain the benefits that would result from the entry into force of the Memorandum.
As we have seen, quite the opposite has occurred, since they did not continue with the process provided for in their internal regulations so that what was agreed during the negotiations produced legal effects, remaining mere political wills.
In other words, on the part of the alleged beneficiaries of the Memorandum, there was no evidence of the existence of a real and concrete interest in submitting to international jurisdiction.
In this path, it is appropriate to issue an issue that has already been dealt with in depth in this decision and that is related to the legal scope of the Memorandum, approved from Law 26,843 sanctioned by the Congress of the Argentine Nation , which was subsequently declared unconstitutional by Chamber I of the C.N.A.C.C.F.
Now, regardless of what has been stated up to now and assuming that the Memorandum is considered valid, I believe that in any case it would arrive at the atypical conduct of the foisted behavior, for the reasons that will be explained below.
First of all, it should be noted that article 277, subsection 1 “a” of the Penal Code prescribes that: “Anyone who, after committing a crime executed by another, in whoever has not participated: a) I will help someone to evade the investigations of the authority or to evade its action”.
On this point, it should be noted that both doctrine and jurisprudence are peaceful when defining the term "help" as any conduct that facilitates or makes it possible for the favored party to
can evade the investigations of the authority or evade its action51. Said help, as is known, must be provided with a specific purpose, and this arises from the very text of the law.
In effect, the wording of the criminal offense refers to the collaboration provided to someone and, therefore, it is understood that it must be suitable to enable the author to achieve the specific purpose described in the aforementioned norm.
As is known, the criminal type differentiates between two conducts. In the first place, that of having provided help to evade the investigation and, secondly, that of evading the action of the authority, demanding that said contribution be of a material nature, this analysis exceeding the moral aspect.
The normative assumptions of the typical structure of the crime of concealment are the following:
a) the commission of a previous crime, committed by a third party; b) the intervention of the active subject after the pre-existing crime in which he did not participate; and c) the absence of a previous promise.
In view of this, there is no doubt that the defendants herein did not participate in the preceding crime, that is, the attack on the headquarters of the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) that occurred on July 18, 1994, which is the object of treatment in the framework of case No. 8566/1996, publicly known as the "AMIA" case, in the registry of the National Federal Criminal and Correctional Court No. 6 -Secretariat No. 11- (Annex AMIA), of this city.
Thus, as regards the aforementioned, although it is not unknown that to date no final resolution has been issued, I agree both with the position of the doctrine and the jurisprudence that states that: " the issuance of a conviction in this regard is not required,
51 Baigún, David and Zaffaroni, Eugenio Raúl; "Penal Code" (Articles 275/299) Special Part, hammurabi, Buenos Aires, 2001, p. 152 et seq.
it is enough that the judge of the cover-up is certain, with the evidence collected, that the preceding crime actually occurred”52. This is out of the question, since it cannot be ignored that the attack on the AMIA headquarters has been a tragedy whose existence cannot and should not, under any circumstances, be questioned.
Regarding the assumption of the existence of a previous promise, I understand that this analysis does not show that there was a prior commitment to favor those who would have perpetrated the attack.
In this context, it is worth remembering that one of the ends of the accusation linked to the criminal figure of concealment and, consequently, with the other crimes that are part of the legal qualification exposed in the requirement for trial , has been the supposed intention of achieving impunity for the Iranian citizens accused of the terrorist attack, through the creation of a "Truth Commission", as stated in article 1 of the Memorandum, as well as, removing the red circles.
Regarding the first point, it was highlighted that the hidden purpose would consist of redirecting the course of the criminal investigation towards new subjects of imputation, introducing false hypotheses that would thus allow the imputations duly sustained by the Argentine justice system to be replaced.
While, on the other hand, emphasis was placed on what was agreed by both States, in Article 7 of the aforementioned instrument, which translates, according to the prosecutorial accusatory hypothesis, into the negotiation between both States to proceed to the reduction of the "red alerts" that weigh on the fugitive Iranian citizens.
For the foregoing, I am in a position to assert that the mere mention and signature of the
52D'Alessio Andrés José, Penal Code of the Nation Commented and Annotated, Volume II, La Ley, Buenos Aires, 2013, p. 1388.
Memorandum that established the future creation of the "Truth Commission" does not constitute a typical behavior, with respect to the "help" foreseen and repressed in article 277 of the Penal Code, since, in no case, could it be treated of a real favor to the fugitives of Argentine justice and, consequently, neither to evade the judicial investigation, nor to evade its actions; all this due to its lack of implementation as such, as already propitiated.
Notwithstanding this, according to the detailed body of evidence "ut-supra", it is worth noting how the authorities of our country categorically emphasized after the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran that the status of circulars Red letters from Interpol on the Iranian fugitives in the “AMIA” case were still in force, evidencing the interest of the Argentine state so that they remain unalterable.
For all the reasons stated, I consider that the elements of the criminal type of concealment are not present, nor are the remaining crimes contained in the request for referral to the Prosecutor's trial of the previous instance, since based on the analysis carried out the objective typicity of the criminal figures in treatment can be overcome. Thus, it is appropriate to order the dismissal of the persons charged here for absence of a crime.
On the other hand, initially, regarding the legal classification of “treason” –provided for and punished by arts. 214 and 215 –inc. 1°- of the Penal Code of the Argentine Nation-, figure chosen by the plaintiffs Luis Czyzewski and Mario Averbuch, with the legal sponsorship of Drs. Juan José Ávila and Tomás Farini Duggan, at the time of requesting the elevation of this case to trial.
That, from the requirement for submission to trial of the private prosecutor, the following arises:
“…2. This complaint also understands that the facts summoned and investigated are typically adapted to what is provided in art. 214 and 215 inc. 1º in fine of the C.P. (original text, basic figure and its qualification). Indeed, the defendants are “Argentines” (and/or “…persons who owe obedience to the Nation by reason of their employment or function…”); have carried out – for the exclusive benefit of the foreign power whose officials have participated in acts of war produced in Argentine territory
– acts of aid that objectively undermine the independence and legal integrity (and, furthermore, ethical and moral) of the Argentine State.”.
“Therefore, the defendants have helped those who with their actions have become enemies of the Argentine Nation, since the “Memorandum…”, and its devious and surreptitious way of preparing and signing, has degraded and questioned, in the face of the foreign power accused of being the aggressor, to which the participants in the events belong surreptitiously and completely outside the constitutional and legal procedures in force in the Argentine Nation, powers and prerogatives that correspond to it as a free and independent Nation to investigate and judge those accused in these acts of aggression.”
“The basic criminal type that is allegedly committed only requires that “enemies” – without distinguishing between circumstantial or permanent, be given “any help or relief”. To be considered an "enemy" there is no need for a prior declaration of war, as evidenced by inc. 2 of art. 215, since it is obvious that not only can those who carry out the acts after the declaration of war be considered such, if they qualify the basic fact of "...providing any help or relief..." when "deciding to (the) foreign power to do the war against the Republic”.
“And there is no doubt that removing the accused enemies participating in the act of war from the judges
natives of the Nation; question the validity of the tests and research carried out by them; claim that a "Truth Commission" analyzes the documentation, conducting a review of the evidence collected proposing recommendations as if the Judiciary of the Argentine Nation did not have the capacity to do so, all this outside the National Constitution, accepted international Treaties by the Argentine Nation and its legislation, implies an impairment of our independence and integrity – which obviously is not the only physical one that is impossible to bear in the face of a situation marked by events classified as war.”
“This is without prejudice to the fact that, in addition, it would have allowed the participating syndicates to immediately evade the action of the Argentine Justice.” (textual)53, the emphasis corresponds to the original.
In effect, art. 214 of the C.P. provides that: "It will be punished with imprisonment or imprisonment of ten to twenty-five years or perpetual imprisonment or imprisonment and in one case or another, perpetual absolute disqualification, provided that the act is not included in another provision of this code, all Argentines or all person who owes obedience to the Nation by reason of his employment or public function, who takes up arms against it, joins its enemies or provides them with any help or relief”; while the art. 215 – inc. 1st - of the substantive order, establishes that: "Whoever commits the crime provided for in the preceding article, shall be punished with imprisonment or life imprisonment, in the following cases: 1st If he executes an act aimed at totally or partially submitting the Nation to foreign domain or undermining its independence or integrity…” (textual).
In a preliminary way, it is worth mentioning that not only the Prosecutor of the previous instance ruled out the configuration of that criminal type by requiring the elevation to trial of the accused here, but
53 See request for trial of the private prosecutor on fs. 9364/80 of the main one.
that, added to this, Room II of the Hon. National Chamber of Federal Criminal and Correctional Appeals, of this city, at the time of confirming the prosecution with pretrial detention issued by the Investigating Judge in the framework of this case54, ruled out said legal subsumption, holding the following: “< b>…[in order of the facts] WHICH WILL BE LEGALLY FRAMED -herein- as hindrance of a functional act, abuse of authority and aggravated concealment -doubly or for an assumption, depending on the case-, all in ideal competition (arts. 54, 241
–inc. 2°-, 248 and 277 –inc. 1° "a" and 3 "a" and "d" -according to the case-, of the C.P.), not applying the qualification of art. 214 of the C.P.” (textual), the underlining added here.
In this line, based on the foregoing, I will have to refer -in substance- to the vote of colleague Dr. Daniel Obligado, in regard to the criminal offense of treason (cf. art. 214 and 215 -inc 1°-, both of the C.P.) and to the considerations made about the non-existence of crime in these actions, this for arguments of which I echo.
That, as a corollary, it is possible to point out, based on the totality of the assessments made up to now, after thoroughly discerning the evidence collected in the proceedings, that this is a criminal proceeding, whose procedural purpose does not have any legal anchoring.
Here we propose a broad interpretation of the legal provision 361 of the ritual ordering. Well, in this regard, Eduardo M. Jauchen has said that: "...it is argued that the enumeration is not exhaustive and that there may be assumptions that even if they are not expressly provided for in the standard lead inexorably for reasons of logic and economy and speed
54 CCCF., Chamber II, in case No. CFP 14.305/2015/40/CA7, titled “Fernández de Kirchner, Cristina and others s/ prosecution with preventive detention”, reg. 44509, internal case No. 40640, rta: 12/21/2017, (see fs. 9152/74 of the principal).
procedural to the issuance of dismissal without the need of oral debate”55 (textual), the highlighting and underlining is my own.
The evidence reveals that the intention of the officials of our country involved in this case was to ensure that the Argentine justice system can receive the investigative statements of the Iranian fugitives in the AMIA case, as well as Also, that the Islamic Republic of Iran answers the requests made by the courts of our country. Said objectives were channeled through an international instrument (Memorandum of Understanding), which never entered into force; added to the fact that it was declared unconstitutional by the federal courts of our country, through the resolution cited several times in this pronouncement, to which it refers.
Moreover, the criticisms or discussions about the success or otherwise of the Memorandum of Understanding between Argentina and Iran, were settled with the aforementioned declaration of unconstitutionality.
The accused authorities, who at the time of the events reported here had the status of public officials, strictly adhered to the regulatory framework and, therefore, fulfilled their role. In this way, there is no notice, in their regard, behavior with legal-criminal relevance, from the analytical perspective of the theory of crime.
In short, we have an instrument of intention between two countries (Memorandum of Understanding of 01/27/2013) that was submitted to the Parliament of our country for consideration and approved through constitutional channels.
55Jauchen, Eduardo M.; "The oral trial in the criminal process", Rubinzal Culzoni Editores, Santa Fe, 2008, p. 87 et seq.
However, due to the lack of compliance with the formalities of one of the state parties, it DOES NOT HAVE legal EFFECTS for International Law.
Now, the later declaration of unconstitutionality by internal law plays in favor of the prosperity of the defencist decriminatory hypothesis.
This allows me to put aside all speculation about a criminal object, since this episode should not be conceived fragmentarily, that is, segmented, with interpretative disagreements, lacking objective elements. On the contrary, it must be read in symmetry with the set of circumstances explained above, in which the evidence, as has been seen, contradicts the persecutory interest. This, operating in an inexorable benefit of those who support the accusatory onslaught.
Faced with the observations outlined, the thema decidendum does not overcome the fence of the analysis in the theory of crime. In a tight synthesis, it is not for me to assess the success or failure of Argentina's foreign policy. On the contrary, put strong control over federal issues that could affect the interests of society within the penal framework.
From this perspective, we find ourselves with an insurmountable obstacle.
Let's see: the partial incorporation of the transcription of wiretaps has tried to create in the present file a scenario in which an attempt was made to give the actors of those -without any performance within the Executive Power or the Legislative Power- a role of certain criminal entity, when, for sure, the facts investigated here were carried out under the rigorous steps
established by our Magna Carta, without being branded as illegal or contrary to the norm and, as indicated, understanding the events under study as non-justiciable political issues.
That is to say, in the factual context analyzed up to here, there is no evidence of behaviors that deserve a criminal legal reproach in the terms raised by not only the most traditional dogmatics but rather; by the contemporary and that brings together the universal penal science. Certainly and for a better understanding of the point, none of the actions that have been observed have reached the minimally required threshold from the dimension of the illicit, that is, the scope of the prohibited that includes the objective type of the figures dealt with in the chapter. VII.
Now, of the questions that in terms of constitutional requirements are posed at the level of the objective face of the crime, there is not only the one that asks about the assumption of fact through which an action, conduct or behavior is carried out that
-as I already explained- is not evidenced in the case. In this sense, and culminating, it is not only true that those objectively reprehensible behaviors have not existed, it is also that, since this was the case, it can also be affirmed that they cannot be attributable to any physical subject in terms of punishable authorship or participation.
To say this, it does not make sense to add or give treatment to make distinctions between the possible roles or participatory interventions since that is not the discussion here, what is important to say is that it would not be correct to say "only" that there is no typical behavior without sustaining, moreover, that the intrasystematic and constitutional requirements to attribute -under any role- a behavior -whatever- based on a
Authorship that suffers from the same technical defect as the behavior that it coined within it: the fatal non-existence for the constitutional requirements for a possible imputation to be configured.
In this way, I can affirm that negative certainty regarding the accusation, which was formulated by the Federal Prosecutor's Office and the plaintiffs in the previous instance, has been achieved here.
Well, based on the position that I have adopted in the present and given the lack of objective criminality of the conduct accused of the accused, I understand that the facts presented here do not meet the criminality requirements demanded by articles 277 subsection 1, section "a", 241 subsection 2, 214, 215 subsection 1 and 248 of the Criminal Code and, based on this, it is appropriate to make room for the exception of lack of action filed by the defense of the accused Andrés Larroque, Juan Martín Mena and Oscar Isidro Parrilli, to which the rest of the parties have adhered and, consequently, order the dismissal under the terms of art. 336 inc. 3 of the C.P.P.N. regarding Cristina E. Fernández de Kirchner, Carlos Alberto Zannini, Juan Martín Mena, Oscar Isidro José Parrilli, Andrés Larroque, Angelina María Esther Abbona, Eduardo Antonio Zuain, Luis Ángel D´Elia, Fernando Luis Esteche, Ramón Héctor Allan Bogado and Jorge Alejandro Khalil.
That said, regarding the defense proposals of violation of the constitutional guarantee of ne bis in idem, since the exceptions of lack of action due to atypicality / non-existence of crime have found a favorable reception, In my opinion, it is insubstantial to rule on the violation of said constitutional guarantee.
By virtue of all the foregoing, it corresponds:
248 of the Penal Code, it corresponds to ALLOW THE EXCEPTION OF LACK OF ACTION deduced by the defenses of Andrés Larroque, Juan Martín Mena and Oscar Isidro Parrilli and order, consequently, the DISMISSAL in the terms provided by the Article 361 of the National Code of Criminal Procedure, insofar as it is appropriate to declare it with respect to: Cristina Elisabet Fernández, Eduardo Alberto Zuain, Carlos Alberto Zannini, Oscar Isidro Parrilli, Angelina María Esther Abbona, Juan Martín Mena, Andrés Larroque, Luis Ángel D'Elía , Fernando Esteche, Jorge Alejandro Khalil and Ramón Héctor Allan Bogado; in order to the facts for which they were required to stand trial; It must be established that this proceeding does not affect the good name and honor enjoyed by the aforementioned persons, which extends to former Foreign Minister Héctor Marcos Timerman; WITHOUT COSTS (cfe. articles 336, subsection 3, 339, subsection 2, 358, 361, 530 and 531, all of them of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Nation).
II. LEAVE WITHOUT EFFECT the precautionary measures of a patrimonial nature issued in this process, with respect to the persons accused here, as well as any other restrictive measure ordered in the proceedings.
III. KEEP IN MIND the reservations to go before the cassatory instance and the federal case, formulated by the intervening parties.
For all of the foregoing, the Court RESOLVES:
interposed by the Defenses.
II. OUTSTAND Cristina Elisabet Fernández, Eduardo Alberto Zuain, Carlos Alberto Zannini, Oscar Isidro Parrilli, Angelina María Esther Abbona, Juan Martín Mena, Andrés Larroque, Luis Ángel D'Elía, Fernando Esteche, Jorge Alejandro Khalil and Ramón Héctor Allan Bogado, whose personal conditions are in the case file, since the facts for which they were required do not constitute a crime, and it must LEAVE SATISFIED that this process does not affect the good name and honor which the aforementioned persons would have enjoyed, which is extensive to former Foreign Minister Héctor Marcos Timerman, NO COSTS (arts. 336, inc. 3, 339 inc. 2, 358, 361, 530 and 531 of the CPPN).
III. RELEASE the patrimonial precautionary measures issued in this process, with respect to the persons accused here, as well as any other restrictive measure ordered in the proceedings.
IV. KEEP IN MIND the reservations to go before the cassatory instance and the federal case, formulated by the intervening parties.
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